
Qass ^ 3 83 
Book '^^^ 






AN 



ADDRE8IS 



TO 



THE PEOPLE OF iHARYLAND, 



TROM 



THEIR DELEG^ATES 



IN THE LATE 



NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION: 



MADE 



IN OBEDIENCE TO A RESOLUTION OP THAT BODY* 



^ iSaUttnore: 

PRINTED BY SANDS & NEILSON, 
^ ' 'S E. cornet' of Calvert and Market-streett. 

1832. 




i-^TO THE rEOPLE OF M^lRTLJUm. 



o) 3 



Fellow-Citizens: 

In complian(;e with a resolution of the Na- 
tional Republican Couvention lately held in Baltimore, re- 
questing its Delegates to ?ii] dress the people of their rela- 
tive states on the subject of the next Presidency,, we ask 
leave most respectfully, to offer you our views on this all- 
important question. 

It is a pleasing reflection for every American mind, that 
under our happy form of government, every citizen is enti- 
tled to equal political rights. In the ])ody politic of the U- 
nited States, the owner of tliousands can exercise no larger 
voice at the polls, than tJie laljourer, who honestly maintciins 
his family by the sweat of his brow. Our social compact is 
based on the purest principles of human liberty, and our 
laws in recognising the equal division of property, secure 
to us a guaranty of free government, in opposition to the 
odious primogeniture system of tlie mother country, which 
legalizes an exclusive right to estate, and impoverishes eve- 
ry man's family in the kingdom, that his first born in the 
male line, may support the pomp and pride of a court. We 
have had the good fortune to be born under the wisest gov- 
ernment, and the freest institutions, that have ever been de- 
vised by the capacity of man through the lapse of ages, and 
while the innocence of our character has won the hearts of 
all nations in our favor, the political blessings we enjoy in 
our own land, are unexampled in the history of the world. 
Our constitution, laws and principles, are admired abroad 
2 



ami revered at lioiuc, and \vliil« they constitute the ricliesi 
ii-easures oF a ;:;iTat ai\d flourishin;; people, they seem des- 
tined by the force of example, to effect a political re"-enera- 
tion among the nations of the old world. France in imita^ 
lion of our history, has expelled a tyrant from her throne, 
and she has since determined on a step of equal importance 
to her liberties — the necessity of abolishing hereditary peer- 
age from her government, or the odious injustice of making 
one man superior to another by law. England in obedi- 
ence to the force of the same moral and political truths, is 
stitl engaged in the good work of national reform, and her 
monarch in lending his assent to its necessity, has admitted 
the important truth, tliat the voice of the people is every 
where superior, to the sceptre and the diadem. 

But although the American people may justly boast of 
their national blessings, they cannot be too careful of their 
political purity. Innovations dangerous to human liberty,, 
have crept imperceptibly into the freest and m isest govern- 
ments, and have swept away their boasted institutions, and 
their sternest patriots. It is true our political principles 
are firmly implanted in the hearts of our countrymen, but 
let it be remembered, that the governments of Rome, and 
C^reece, and Sparta and Venice, once the pride and boast of 
a people as brave and as free as ours, have all past away 
and perished, after deeds of glory and valour, that almost 
astonisii the modern patriot. 

Happily for us, we live under a government of pure and 
virtuous contrast to the tottering monarchies of Europe ; a 
government foumled by the wisdom and patriotism of our 
fbrofathors : sustained by the devotion of a free and enlight- 
ened people after half a century of successful experience, 
and securing to all its citizens, equal political, civil, and re- 
ligious rights. To maintain these blessings in their origin- 
al purity, to guard them as the choicest gifts of Heaven, and 
to be<piea(h them as a rich wnd niisullied iiilieritance to their 



childreiij are the imperious duties of the American people 
individually and collectively. 

In connection with the great principles upon which our 
government is formed, and in reference to the political insti- 
tntions derived from it, there is no one subject of equal im- 
portance with that of the Presidential election. The great 
power which our Chief Magistrate derives from the charter 
of our liberties, enables him if he be not wise and virtuous, 
to exercise an authority, in direct opposition to the wishes of 
a majority of the people, without, strictly speaking, violat- 
ing the express letter of the constitution. Our government 
is worthy of every eulogy ; but purely republican as it is, 
the President is clothed with vast and extensive powers, and 
his individual will and opinion, are superior to the voice of 
the whole people, as expressed through their constitutional 
representatives in both houses of the National Legislature. 
Every appointment, therefore, of our first Executive officer, is 
of deep and vital importance to the country — it furnishes to 
the nation, and to the whole world, a clear and undeniable 
evidence of the moral and political character of our people. 
If the head of the nation be high-minded, just and honora- 
ble ; if he be a republican in principle and a true patriot at 
heart ; if he be wedded not only to the form of our govern- 
ment, but to the true policy of its administration ; if he be 
wise, enlightened and experienced ; and above all, if he be 
devoted to the public interest, to the exclusion of every other 
consideration, it may with justice be affirmed, that the Ame- 
rican people in placing their government under his auspices, 
have done their duty to themselves, to their country and to 
their posterity. But if the chief magistrate thus regularly 
appointed by the sovereign power of the country, should 
prove recreant to these great principles, and destitute of 
those exalted traits both of character, and mind, which alone 
are worthy the respect and confidence of the American na- 
tion, ijt may with equal truth be advanced, that the appoint- 



ment of «iirli an officer to the PlverutivB dcpartnieut of the 
govcrtmient, is uot oiil,v daiii^eroiisi to our liberLies as a na- 
tion, but is ji (liriH't reflection iipou our character as a people, 
lu a country like ours, party and personal prejiidices should 
be avoided ; and the elective iVanchise should be exercised, 
with the strictest inspection, into the cliaracter, capacity and 
principles of men. No people have ever been free fronr tiie 
machinations of ignorant and unprincipled spirits, and 
though still in the purity of our infancy, trials even for high 
treason, have already been recorded in the liistory of our 
own. It is, therefore, that the American people cannot bo 
too watchful of their liberties, least a false or mistaken con- 
tidence in their rulers, or even in themselves, may endanger 
their political e.visfence, an(' ultimately place them on a le- 
vel '.vith ti]e fallen. nations of the earth. 

The great questions which now agitate the American pub- 
lic are thes<>: has (ren. Jackson, the present incumbent of 
the presidency, fulfilled the expectations and promises of his 
friends; has he administered the federal government upon 
just, enlightened and national |)rinciples: and should he 
again be exalted to the high station which he now tills? 
For ourselves, after the most deliberate and unprejudiced 
enquiries, we solemnly declare our sincere belief in the truth, 
and justice of the following opinions. 

We belie\ c that Gen. Jackson has administered the gov- 
ernment upon unjust, ajiti-republican, and dangerous prin- 
ciples — that he has sacrificed the national interest, and with 
it both moral and i)olitical justice, in removing from public 
employment, the most experienced and meritorious civil ofli- 
cers, for the purpose of bestowing olVicial rewards, on his 
own personal and political friends. That he has by this 
act of injustice violated the true spirit, if not the express let- 
ter of the constitution. That his conduct and practice as 
chief magislrale of the Union, being in direct oj)position to 
his own o]>ii]ions as pvJ)licl\ a^()\^ed, preNiously to lii^^ (»lrr- 



tiou, indicate a dereliction of uioial and political honesty, un- 
vvortliy the President of the United States, and derogatory 
to the character of a disinterested patriot. That his unqua- 
lified opposition to internal improvement in 1829, after hav- 
ing supported both the expediency and constitutionality of 
the principle, through the whole coarse of his public life, de- 
notes a wayward and unsettled condition of political opinion, 
or an uncandid and deceptious concealment of sentiment, 
unbecoming the reputation of an enlightened and virtuous 
statesman, and subversive of one of the most important ob- 
jects of our domestic policy. That his opposition to the 
Bank of the United States, an institution founded and ap- 
proved by the purest patriots, and the wisest statesmen of 
the country, is calculated to do much injury to our commer- 
cial and fiscal regulations, to destroy our circulating medi- 
um, and to embarrass the pecuniary and business transac- 
tions, of every individual in the United States. That hia 
absurd and monstrous project of a Government, or Treasury 
Bank, is calculated to alarm the friends of free government 
of all parties, and in every section of the Union. And that 
the discord vrhich prevailed in his cabinet, and the peculiar 
circumstances of its dissolution^ unexampled in the history 
of refined and enlightened nations, have mortified the virtu- 
ous pride of all parties, inflicted a deep stain on the inno- 
cence of our national character;, and diminished the high re- 
spect, which the xlmerican people, have heretofore cherish- 
ed for those at the head of theii' government. 

In giving this public expression to our opinions, it is but 
right and proper, that we should lay before you, the reasons 
which have impelled us to these conclusions; and while we 
invoke your patience in adverting to many facts, which ni^st 
of necessity be familiar to many of you, we neither ask or 
claim for these opinions any farther respect or influence, than 
is due to their truth, sincerity and justice. 

In 1816 Greu. Jackson professed in the vrarniest terms, to 



8 

deprecate the evil tendency of party animosity in a govern- 
ment like onrs. It was his opinion then, that the exercise of 
party spirit in our national councils, was calculated not only 
to weaken the administration of the Federal Cxovcrnment, 
but to circumscribe the operation of its utility and justice. 
In exhibiting his views upon this subject, he thus writes to 
Mr. Monroe on the 12th of November 1816: *'^E very thing 
depends on the selection of your ministry. In every selec- 
tion, party and jjarty feelings should he avoided. Now is the 
time to exterminate that monster called party spirit. By 
selecting characters most conspicuous for their probity, vir- 
tue, capacity, and firmness, ivitlwut any regard to party, 
you will go far to, if not entirely eradicate those feelings, 
which on former occasions, threw so many obstacles in the 
way of government: and perhaps have the pleasure of unit- 
ing a people heretofore politically divided. TAe chief ma- 
gistrate of a great and jyoiverfnl nation should never indulge 
in party feelings. His conduct should be liberal and dis- 
interested, always bearing in mind, that he acts for the 
whole, and not for ajjart of the community .^^ 

Mr. Monroe in the patriotic feeling which characterised 
liis whole life, promptly assented to the correctness of these 
sentiments, and reduce^l them to pr<actice, during the eight 
years of his peaceful and enlightened administration. In 
1824 and '28 the friends of Gen. Jackson, very properly con- 
tended for the honorable and patriotic character of this cele- 
brated correspondence, and in recommending him to the peo- 
ple as a proper candidate for the presidency, the liberality 
and soundness of his opinlms, in regard to the administration 
of the national government, as illustrated in this correspon- 
dence, constituted one of the principal themes of their dis- 
course. The whole of his letters to Mr. Monroe in testimo- 
ny of the political doctrines we have quoted, were paraded 
before the people, and it is well known, that thousands sup- 
ported his election, from impressions received ft-om this cor- 
respondence alone. 



Political parties arecltlier real or personal. — real when en- 
tertaining (lifl'ereut opinions on the form of a government — or 
opposite views as to the best mode of administering it — ^an.d 
personal, Avhen characterized by a blisul devotion to a man, 
or any combination of men. Gen. Jackson in his correspon- 
dence with Mr. Monroe had reference to the old Fedeval and 
Democraticpartie.s.whose political wars, were almost co-ex- 
istent with our government. The contest between these par- 
ties, involved many urgent questions of principle, connected 
with the general and state governments, Jind with the domes- 
tic and foreign policy of the country. While one of these 
great parties was at the head of the general government, the 
power of the other prevailed in many of the states. What 
the great body politic enacted from principle, and with a sin- 
cere regard for the public interest, a constituent part with 
equal patriotic feeling, in many instances attempted to op- 
pose, till in the end so bitter became the contest, and so 
nearly balanced its relative forces, as not only to embarrass 
the operations of the government, but almost to endanger our 
Jiational union. Yet still it was a struggle for principle and 
not for men, and many important questions of difference cpn- 
aiected with it, remain unsettled even to this day. But al- 
though these parties were real, and from the origin of our 
government,had contended for great fundamental principles, 
it-was still Gen. Jackson's opinion, at the epoch of his let- 
ters to Mr. Monroe, that they were "monsters that ought 
to be exterminated," and that the President of the United 
States, for the good of the country, should appoint his cabi- 
net, and fill all the great offices of tiie government, without 
regard to political distinctions or party prejudices. It was 
(then Gen. Jackson's opinion, that the President, by " con- 
sulting no jjartij, icould exalt the national character, and 
acquire for himself a name as imperislialde as monumental 
mai'ble." 

TfUf lil)eral and patriotic sentiment « profes-jed by Gen. 



10 

Jsickson. ill these celebrated lotleisi were sources of triumph 
to liis friends. It vas piil)licly declared by his personal 
and political advocates, that hi* election to the Presidency, 
would secure to the nation, an able, honest and enlightened 
Executive ; it was every where asserted upon the evidence 
of this correspondence, that the bold disinterestedness of his 
character, would draw into our national councils, the wisest 
and purest patriots of the land, without regard to party po- 
litics or sectional prejudices ; it was universally proclaimed 
by the friends of Gen. Jackson, that his elevation to the ex- 
ecutive chair, would secure to the people a President of the 
whole nation : and it was as confidently advanced, that un- 
der his aus])irps, the government would be administered up- 
on liberal and magnanimous principles. So thoroughgoing^ 
were his friends, and so fruitful were their promises, as al- 
most to convince an impartial observer, that they had actual- 
ly discovered in the character of Gen. Jackson, the Philoso- 
pher's stone in politics, or the true and infallible secret of 
successful government. To make room for this rara avis in 
Terris, this incomparable statesman of the age, in the lan- 
guage of his partizans in Congress, the administration of hi» 
opponent must be put down, **even tho' it were as pure as the 
angels in Heaven." For this object it was necessary to expel 
Mr. Adams, the wise, the patriotic and the good, for the same 
reason, we presume, which induced the Athenian burgher to 
Vote for the banishment of Aristides, because he was "tired 
of hearing him called the Just." But how far Gen. Jack- 
son was sincere and honest, in the expression of his opinion* 
to Mr. Monroe, and how far his theory coincides with his 
practice, are easily ascertained by a reference to his conduct 
as Chief Magistrate, and to the principles upon which he 
has administered the government. 

In the Fall of 1828, Gen. Jackson was elected tothePresi- 
dency, and on the 4th of March follow ing.we find this liberal, 
disinterested and anti-])arty president, tnkiiig his oflicial oatii, 



It 

and almost in the same breath in his inaugural speech, im- 
peaching the political integrity of those, who had preceded 
him in the administration of the government. It was a no- 
vel spectacle, and the first instance in the jiistory of the na- 
tion, of the President of the United States being arrayed in 
the attitude of public accuser. The cabinet ministers of 
Mr. Adams, a part of whom had served under Mr. Monroe, 
retired like broken troops before a conquering despot, and 
on the 26th of March following, by public annunciation in 
the official paper of the government, the President in viola- 
tion of his expressed principles, filled his cabinet exclusive- 
ly with his own personal and political friends, and thus, in 
direct opposition to his own declarations, and to the saleran 
promises of his friends, his administration went into opera- 
tion. 

But the entire change of the cabinet on party grounds, did 
not satisfy the political animosity of Gen. Jackson. Imme- 
diately on his elevation to the Executive chair, he who 
would ^'consult no party'^ commenced a cruel warfare 
against all those in public office, who had by the expression 
of their opinions at the ballot-box, or in any other manner 
opposed his election. In entering on his official duties, Gea. 
Jackson seemed to act upon the principle, that no one who 
had merited respect or received appointment from his pre- 
decessor, was worthy of his confidence. In the first quar- 
ter of his administration, three of our foreign ministers were 
recalled, leaving unfinished their respective missions, and 
in one instance, before the government of the United States 
had received any information, of the minister's arrival at the 
place of his destination. We make particular reference to 
the case of Gen. Harrison, who had been appointed minis- 
ter to Colombia, and of whose arrival at his post. General 
Jackson had received no official intellisrence, and conse- 
quently it was impossible he could have taken any umbrage 
at his ministerial conduct, when he was recalled so early as 



12 

the middle of March, and Mr. T. P. Moore of Kentucky, 
a violent political friend of the President, was appointed to 
succeed him.* Gen. Harrison was distin2;uished for emi- 
nent worth, both in private and public life. He was well 
known as one of the most gallant officers in the army. Up- 
on various occasions, but especially at the battle of Tippe- 
canoo, that dreadful contest where civilized man was oppos- 
ed to the merciless savage, without screen or shelter. Gen. 
Harrison, in tlic midst of blood-shed and slaughter, himself 
severely wounded, led on his countrymen to honor and to 
glory. It was true, the minister was not attached to the po- 
litical party of the President, but when Ave remember that 
Gen. Jackson in his letter to Mr. George Kremer of May, 
1824, expressed the opinion, that "names were mere bau- 
Mes,''^ and that " he who would abandon his fire-side and the 
comforts of home, and continue in the defence of his country 
through war, merited the confidence of the government let 
him bear ivhat naine of party he might,' ^ — we cannot resist 
the conclusion, that Gen. Jackson, in recalling this distin- 
guished soldier, not only sacrificed his own character for 
Ifonor and consistency, but some of the best interests of the 
country.! — Next followed the executive mandate, recalling 
Mr. James Barbour our minister at the court of St. James, 
and almost simultaneously with it, that of Mr. Alexander H. 
Everett from the representation in Spain. Each of these 
gentlemen, as in the case of Gen. Harrison, had opposed the 
election of Gen. Jackson; but they stood high in tlie estima- 
tion of the country for talents and patriotism. They had 
each been distinguished in their respective States — and the 

♦Better known as "Free Tom Moore", wliicli was the iiiiniptrr'!' manner of frniiking liis letters— all 
in the game line. 

tWe iioiire from tlip official Gazette of Bogota, the following complimentary communication of Gen. 
Harrison's arrival in that capital—" We congratulate Colombia on heholdin" the interest, which iamm- 
iiifesled hy the Bovf'rnnient of the United States, to cultivate the most fiictully relnlioiis with this re- 
public, by tenrliiig among us so distinjrnished a citizen as Oen. Harrison. The government lias a full 
confidence, that hist permanent rrsidtinceiii this capital, 7cill contribute a-enerally to strengthen the har- 
mony andgand understanding ifhiehhaiipily eiist ketircen the two nations." Could there he a more la- 
vorable augury than this of the succe«« of Gon. Harrison's mission ? 



13 

former gentleman had filled with honor to himself the Ex- 
ecutive chair of Virginia. — As politicians they were well 
known to be devoted to the republican principles of our gov- 
ernment, and to the foreign and domestic policy upon which 
it was administered, and upon their nomination as natioi^l 
Envoys, they had but recently received the marked confi- 
dence of the American Senate. Yet all these claims to pub- 
lic respect, were insufficient to conciliate the good opinion 
of Gen. Jackson. Without even an intimation of any derelic- 
tion of official duty, — or any reason whatever being assigned 
to justify their recall, they were abruptly displaced, ajid two 
of the president's most influential political friends, Mr. Lou- 
is McLane, of Delaware, and Mr. Cornelius P. Van Ness, 
of Vermont, were appointed to supersede them. Among 
the candid and enlightened throughout the United States, 
there was but little difference of opinion as to the motives of 
the president in making these appointments, and however 
we may respect both Mr. McLane and Mr. Van Ness, a 
sense of common honesty and justice, and, a due regard for 
the political character of the country, will not permit us to 
allow, that they were appointed in conformity with the true 
principles of political justice, or that they have made us abler 
or better representatives abroad, for the simple reason of 
their being attached to the person, to the fortunes, or to the 
party of Gen. Jackson. 

Next followed the recall of Mr. Middleton, our worthy 
and efficient Minister at St. Petersburg, and to the astonish- 
ment of the whole nation — the appointment of Mr. John 
Randolph of Virginia, to succeed him at that court.* Happi- 
ly for the president, the voluntary retirement of Mr. Brown, 
our minister to France, opened for his use a fifth diplomatic 

*John Randolph, Esq. of Roanoke, the advocate of common sense, and 
political consistency; the opponent of all parties, men, and measures. — - 
The politician who thought "Mr John Adams' adminisfvation the lowest 
state of degradation;" — but that Mr. Adams "• was a good set off against 
Mr. Madison." — Thesegentlemen, in the opinion of Mr. Randolph in 181 4, 
"^^ were of such equal weight, that the trembling balance" reminded him 



14 

iield, and immediately succeeded the appoiutmeut of Mr. 
Rives of Virginia, another of his political friends. 

It cannot be too forcibly impressed on the public raind, 
that these foreign emissaries thus unjustly and abruptly re- 

*' of that passage in Pope, where .love weighs the beaux's wits against the 
lady's hair :" 

" Tlie doubtful beam, long nods from side to side, 
At length the wits mount up, the liairs subside." 

The democrat who pronounced Mr. Jefferson's embargo, " unconstitu- 
tional and oppressive, an engine of tyranny, fraud and favoritism," and thai 
"Then was the time to resist." Who declared in reference to Mr. Jef- 
ferson's administration, tliat "Atheists and madmen had been our lawgiv- 
ers." — ;jrhe republican, who in 1812, thought i\Ir. Madison's war, "contra- 
ry to the interests and honor of the American people, and an idolatrous sa- 
crifice of both, on the altar of French rapacity — perfidy and ambition." 
Who gave it as his opinion, that the nation \mder the auspices of Mr. Mad- 
ison '• was cursed with a weak and wicked administration;" that "its luck 
was in the inverse ratio of its better judgment," and that Mr. Madison him- 
self" was the destroyer of his country." The slirewd r(?presentalive who 
thought Mr. Moinoe " unfit for a Statesman ;" that " liis administration was 
feeble and distracted ;" that Jie had " attempted a conscription on the 
model of Bonaparte;" and that " he sat as an Incubus on the State." See 
Mr. Randolph's appeal, "To the Freeholders of Charlotte, Prince Edward, 
Buckingham, and Cumberland," of May 30th, 1812, published in Niles' 
Register, vol. 2d. page 253. — And also his letter addressed " To a gentle- 
man in Boston, late a member of the Senate of the United States, from Mas- 
sachusetts," — dated, Philadelphia, Dec. 1.5th, 1814, and published in the 
United States Gazette, and in Niles' Register, vol. 7, p. 288. 

Mr. Randolph — the consistent opponent, in whose estimation the nd- 
minislration of the late President, Mr. Adams, was superlatively contempti- 
ble. Who "would not touch the present Secretary of State, (.Mr. Livings- 
ton) even with a pair of tong'." The champion of strict republican princi- 
ples, yet tlie svvorn enemy of free suffrage. Who, when his nalivo Slate in 
1824, desired to alter her constitution, and establish the elective franchise 
«pon the free white basis, \\ rote to his constituents that "the people of 
Virginia would be mad to call a convention," and that for himself, "he 
had lived and hoped to die a freeholder, find when he lost that distinction, 
he should no longer have any motive in being their faithful servant." The 
disinterested minister to St, Petersburg, who was for 14 months in the pay 
of the government, for sojouring 1 1 days only, at the court of his destina- 
tion, and who, on his return to the United States, most studiously avoided 
an interview with the government. Mr. Randolph, the sagacious patriot, 
who in 1823 d-Miouncod Mr. Calhoun as '• the army candidate" for the 
Presidency; who implored his constituents on that account "to look to it 
or they were lo.«t forcvfir," and the consisfent Senator,whoin 1828 declar- 
ed on the floor of Congr(!>)s that "he should vote lor Andrew Jackson for 
President" even "if ho w^r'^ a profligate — because he was the first milita- 
ry man in the country." See Mr. Randolph's letter of a Jaterdate address- 
ed "To the freeholders of the counties of ("harlolte, Buckingham, Piiiice 



15 

called by CTcn. Jackson, were known to have been opposed 
to his election, — while, it was a matter of equal notoriety, 
that all those appointed to succeed them, were among the 
number of his personal and political friends. Such a sys- 
tem of proscription for opinion's sake, very clearly estab- 
lished the partizan character of the administration. — The 
system itself was new in the history of our country, and no 
candid and intelligent mind will hesitate to admit, that it 
furnished a sad commentary, on the memorable sentiment 
expressed by Gen. Jackson to Mr. Monroe, " that the presi- 
dent in the selection of his ministers should consult no par- 
ty.'' In the character of an upright and virtuous statesman, 
there is no diilerence betw een his theory and his practice. 
Duplicity is incompatible with private or official honor. — 
The path of political honesty, is like the bridge from Earth 
to Heaven in the Mahometan creed, if you once deviate from 
the right line, you merit the fatal consequences of human er- 
ror. 

This total change, however, in the foreign representatiou 
of the country, and the president's determination to indulge 
in party and personal feelings, to tlie exclusion of the great 
national policy he had so recently recommended, have given 
rise to many estimates of the probable expence, to which the 
country has in consequence been subjected. Taking into 
view the outfits of the newly appointed ministers, the amounts 



William, and Cumberland, and commonwealth of Virginia," dated May 
17th, 1S2-1 — and also his speech in the Senate in 1820, on the bill 
for adding to the number of Circuit Judges, in which he spoko for two 
hours without ever touching the subject in debate. If an}' one wislies 
to see a stale collection of worn-out adages — a satire on Internal Im- 
provement — a dissertation on slavery and the slave trade — scraps from 
Miss Edgeworth, and the Waverly Novels — a lamentation on the worn- 
out condition of the Virginia lands — an account of English magnificence 
— a eulogy upon Lord Londonderry — a glance at the Panama mission — 
a history of Irish misery, and altogether, a collection of ivretched punSf 
such as "the tarifl", tarified the South," and a hedge podge, run mad, rho- 
domontade, let him refer to this speech, delivered on the floor cf the Unit- 
ed States Senate by Mr. J. Randolph, of Roanoke, the Hon. gentleman 
whom the President of the United States selected to rf^present the Ameri- 
can people near the court of the most extensive empire in Europe. 



16 

allowed by the usage of the government for the return o. 
their predecessors, the necessary delay in the public busi- 
ness, consequent upon a change of representatives, and the 
expense of em])loying national ships in conveying the favor- 
ite envoys to their respective points of destination, and un- 
der the fairest estimates the nett \oss to the government must 
exceed the sum of 8250,000. But all this squandering of 
the public treasure, w^as done in the name of ^^ reform,^' and 
the popular term translated from the president's inaugural 
speech, became an apology for every species of injustice, till 
the official dismissals practised in its name, became too nu- 
merous for the belief of the most prejudiced and credulous. 
Of all parties the most dangerous to free and enlightened go- 
vernment is that, which appropriates exclusive excellence to 
itself, and persecutes its opponents as unworthy and im- 
pure. Political intolerance has been the enemy of the hu- 
man family from the earliest ages of the world, and General 
Jackson's administration is entitled to the peculiar distinc- 
tion, of being the first to introduce this evil into the Ameri- 
can Republic. 

Next on the catalogue of executive persecution, followed 
the removal of a host of foreign Consuls, and an indiscrimi- 
nate discharge of such government officers at home, who in 
the exercise of the elective franchise, and the rights and pri- 
vileges of free government, had refused in the recent contest 
for the presidency, to record their votes in favor of Gen. Jack- 
son. All this was done, under the specious necessity of 
^^rotation in office,'' and the pretext was every where ad- 
vanced by the government presses, in justification of these 
persecutions. But this plea too, like that of "reform," was 
soon afterabandonedby the perpetrators of injustice; for it 
soon became manifest to the intelligent of all parties, that 
these remoMils from office were invariably restricted to those 
who had opposed the president's election — while his private 
and political friends — unmolested and secure, without a sol- 



17 

itary exception, were still retained in tlie public service. 
^^Rotation in office" Avas defined by its practice, to be an 
expulsion of the president's opponents, in favor of his party 
friends. Personal or political attachment to Gren. Jackson, 
was made the sole test of merit or un worthiness. The gov- 
ernment became administered exclusively on personal and 
party principles, and in all the attempts to excuse the in- 
justice which followed as a natural consequence, not even 
an allusion was made, to any difference of opinion upon the 
great political questions of the country. 

The government of the United States was established for 
the good of the w^hole nation. It was organized to secure 
the rights of independent opinion, political justice, and civil 
and religious liberty to all its citizens, and the administra- 
tion of the government in the language of Mr. Jefferson* 
^^ should dispense equal and exact justice to all men, of 
whatsoever state or persuasion, religious or political." When, 
therefore, the organs of this government originally consti- 
tuted for the benefit of the whole, are prostituted to subserve 
the interests of a party, it amounts to a violation of the most 
sacred principles upon which it was formed. When a gov- 
ernment is successfully established, and a party arises under 
it adverse to the principles upon which it is formed, or to the 
policy by which it is administered, we admit that it then 
becomes justifiable, both in morals and'politics, for the ma- 
jority to exclude from their public councils, all those whose 
political sentiments upon these points, differ from those of 
the constituted authorities — and Avho, if placed in official 
stations might operate to the prejudice of the prevailing go- 
vernment. But happily for the United Strtes, no such po- 
litical parties exist among us now. We are all equally at- 
ached to the great principles of our government ; and al- 
though a partial contrariety of opinion may prevail as to 
some particular points of its domestic policy, the President, 

* Mr. Jeffferson's Inaugural Address. 



18 

so far from allowing these dift'erences of opiuiou to influenc© 
his appointments, has himself upon several occasions advo- 
cated the distinct interests of each. These facts are familiar 
to every enquiring mind, and since all the President's party 
friends are still retained in the public service ; since none 
others have received political favor at his hands; since no in- 
timation of any official dereliction has been advanced against 
one in five hundred of the repudiated officers, and since it 
is well known that all those who were dismissed, were op- 
posed to the election of the President, we cannot resist the 
conclusion that every one must believe, they were discharg- 
ed for refusing to support him, and consequently that Gen. 
Jackson and his minions, in the exercise of such a system of 
tyranny and injustice, have violated the true spirit, intentions 
and principles of the Constitution. 

The party presses devoted to the President, did not hesi- 
tate to acknowledge the career of political injustice we have 
attempted to expose ; the public offices were compared to the 
"' Augean stable," and those who were not true to Genl. 
Jackson,were to be swept out by this political Hercules — and 
the official paper of the government, in openly justifying the 
practice, contended that the national good required at the 
hands of the President, to use his own language, such a sys- 
tem of ^^ rewards and punishments." For a while, howev- 
ever, the General Post-office seemed to be exempt from the 
fell influence of persecution. Mr. McLane, a man alike dis- 
tinguished for talents and for the purity of his public and 
private character, was at the head of that department. Un- 
der his official sagacity and industry, the general Post-office 
had reached a condition of prosperity unexani])led in the 
previous history of the country; and this able and practical 
officer would still have remained at its head, could he have 
consented to the odious practice of proscription, which had 
polluted ihe various other deaprtments of the government, and 
was now required to be enforced in the high office subject 



19 

to his controul. Between injustice and persecution, aiidthe 
prospect of future honor to himself, from the further success 
of the post-office department, Mr. McLean did not hesitate 
for a moment. He promptly and indignantly refused his 
acquiescence, and signified a desire to relinquish his high 
trust, while the whole nation was still resounding his praise, 
rather than be the foul organ of persecuting honest and ca- 
pable men, for the sake of personal or political opinions, 
entertained towards the President of the United States. 

The flourishing and prosperous condition to which the ge- 
neral post-office had attained, under the auspices of Mr. 
McLean, could not stay the hand of the President and his 
party, in their system of "rewards and punishments.'' — - 
Mr. Mcjiean's wish to retire was promptly complied with, 
and he was immediately translated to the bench of the Su- 
preme Court, where the honesty of his principles could not 
affect the patronage of appointment, and Mr. Wm. T. Barry, 
a gentleman of more orthodox political creed, and fresh from 
the gubernatorial contest in Kentucky, as the Jackson can- 
didate, was placed at the head of the post-office department. 
So far as regards Judge McLean's motive in wishing to re- 
tire from the general post-office, and the indignation and ab- 
horrence with which he contemplated the causes, that ren- 
dered his withdrawal necessary, we entertain no kind of 
doubt, as to the correctness of this statement. 

Mr. Barry being now installed in the general post-office,, 
the woi'k of proscription commenced its operation there with-* 
out let or hindrance. The Messrs. Bradley's were among 
the most capable and meritorious officers of the department; 
they had served with judge McLean, during the whole 
course of his administration; and that officer, forseeing the 
iniquitous system that was about to be enforced, in retiring 
from the department, expressed a hope in writing, that the 
Messrs. Bradley's might be retained; for such in the opinion 
of Judge McLean were their experience, industry and integri^ 



20 

ty, to use his own language, lie did not think the ^'department 
could get on as well without them."* But the President and 
Mr. Barry discovered in less than a month, that this opinion 
of Judge McLean, though it was deliberately formed after 
seven years of arduous and successful association with the 
Bradley's in office, was unworthy of their respect or con- 
fidence, and with too true a knowledge of the political senti- 
ments of all, — the Bradley's were among the first to be dis- 
charged, fiom the post-office department. Next followed the 
dismissal of Mr. Monroe, the post-master of AVashington; 
and immediately after, a host of clerks and minor officers, for 
the same mean and nefarious purpose of making room for 
party and personal friends. Nearly every post-masterf in the 
Union, whose office was worth holding, and who had not de- 
clared for General Jackson, was expelled, without regard 
to merit or capability, — and even the petty patronage of ad- 
vertising dead letters, was taken from such newspapers as 
refused to advocate his cause, and given to others, more de- 
voted to his service. There was no department of the gov- 
ernment that was not ransacked in search of political victims. 
Even the national Librarian,! Air. AVaterson, who was a- 
menable to congress for the faithful discharge of iiis duty, 
was abruptly dismissed by the President, Avithout any cause 
beins assii::ned for his removal; and an underling clerk from 
the print-shop of the government paper at Washington, was 



* See Judge Mctinan's letter. 

t By ihp Post Master General's official report, in tiie 1st year of Gen. Jackson's administration 491 
dismissalf were inade from the Post Oflicc Department alone 

I The law it is U\ic, civos the appoiiilnifnt of the Librarian to the President, but the Library was 
purchased " for both houses of Congress," and, therefore, they were the proper judges of the propriety 
of its mannsement. Mr. VVaterson was highly eslecmed by all parties in Congress, and his dismi.s.s8l 
regretted. Mr has informed the public that dnrinj; the whole time he was national Librarian, only one 
book wan lost ; but he had oppwcd by an honest vote the election of Gen. Jackson, for which sin, hi« 
faUhful (lifchargn of an important public trust, could not alone The Inte Gen. Harper, in his reply to 
certain inierroeaiions, in a rii3e%lierein Aaron Burr was plaintiff, and James Cheetham defendant, 
tried at New Vork, touching the famous presidential election in 1801, gave it as his opinion, that if Aa- 
ron Burr would have consented to pay oil" his political supporters, hythe bestowment of public office, ho 
would have been elected in preference to Mr. Jefl'erson.— It secuis by Gen. Harper's answers to the inler- 
rogatoriea in this case, that Burr would not consent to use such means, and therefore in this respect, he 
was more honest than Gen, Jackson. See Gen Harper's answers as furnished by himself- Niles' Reg 
it«r, vol. 23, pag«283. 



21 . 

appointed to succeed him. AVherever political service had 
been rendered in aid of General Jackson's election, the olli- 
cial patronage of the government has been lavislily scatter- 
ed. Thirty odd editors of newspapers, m ho supported his 
cause, no matter how shamelessly, have been appointed to 
public office,* and in some instances the double duty of Jack- 
son editor and government officer, is performed by the same 



* Mr. Noah, editor of the New York Enquirer, in announcing his own appointment to the office of 
Surveyor of the Port, says — " Our new duties not interfering with the duties and obligations we ow'3 
to the party, will not abate the attention hitherto paid to tlie columns of the Enquirer, which we hope 
to improve in every department." Should not the Itnowledge of this fact, and a thousand others like 
it in principle, bring a blush on the cheek of the Hon. Seiiator, Mr. Marcy — who but lately declared on 
the floor of the Senate, that the olTicers dismissed from the public service, had heen too zealous in the 
cause of the preceding administration, [n the Senator's own words the proscribed were " partizaiis in 
the struggle, paragraph writers for newspapers, distributors of political handbills;" and therefore the 
President is justified by the Hon. Senator in his monstrous course of injustice and persecution. We 
ask these simjile questions, and appeal to the honesty and justice of the people : — Has the President dis- 
missed any of his own " partizans" who " took part in the struggle ■?" Has he proscribed any " para- 
graph wriiers" who advocated his election ? Has he " punished" any " distributors of political hand- 
bilit" in aid of his cause 7 But on the contrary, does he not hold them all "siiug" in olhci! ; and has not 
an increase of salary, in many instances, been asked for them 7 And have not thirty odd or forty edi- 
tors of newspapers, wiiolesale " writers of paragraphs" been appointed to office 1 And I, as not the pub- 
lic printing throughout the Union, been taken from such newspapers as had not support d Gen. Jack- 
son's election and given to such as did 7 In our own State and in the District of Columbia, was it not 
taken from the National Intelligencer and given to the United States Telegraph, and again taken froiri 
this latter press, when it became too independent to be Van Burenized, and awarded to th-- Globe ; and 
likewise was it not transferred from the Baltimore Patriot to the Baltimore Republican, a piess got up 
avowedly for the purpose of supporting Gen. Jackson's election 7 The removals and appointments are 
now estimated at about three thousand. The dismissed were " punished" for being the friends of the 
late administration; the appointed rewarded, for being the "partizans" of Gen. Jackwon What was 
infamous in the friends of the late administration, is political virtue in those of the present. What a 
man does for Gen. Jackson is all right and proper ; but if he does the same thing for any one else it 
is downright treason— and yet such political logic as this is gravely advanced in the American Senate. 
O tempera ! O mores ! 

It is true, while Mr. Clay was in the State Department the public printing was taken from one or 
two papers, but the reasons were boldly and honestly avowed.— It was taken for e.Kaniple from that 
just, enlightened and gentlemanly press, the National Intelligencer, because it could not, or did not af- 
ford room for all the public printing. Not so with the present administration; no reasons are given— all 
is veiled in darkness, for injustice loaths the light. Even on the applicaiion of a United. States Sena- 
tor, politely enquiring of the Post Master General, the reasons why an officer, whose character 
stood high in the State he represented, had been dismissed from the department,— an abrupt ans^ver 
was returned by Mr. Barry, stating that the Senator, " was not permit ed to know the reasons." 
Upon one occasion indeed. Major Eaton did condescend to e.vplain the cause' Of one of his di.smissals.— 
Major Nourse was informed by letter from the Secretary—" that the chief clerk in his department 
must be a confidential friend" — and for this reason he must leave the office ; and in the same letter of 
dismissal, Mr. Nourse was informed by Major Eat<m— " that nothing had transpired to which he could 
take the slightest objection to Mm, nor had he any to suggest." This was a pretty barefaced avowal of 
the Jackson principle, that the government was made for him and his friends and the friends of 
his friends. Upon this ground a most meritorious officer was discharged and his place filled by one of 
Major Eaton's " confidential friends" Doctor Randolph— the same gentleman whom Mr. Ingham charges 
with an attempt to assassinate him as he passed to and from his official duties— -If these things are to \y. 
•xcused on the floor of the Senate, God save the Republic. 



22 ' 

individual. " llevvaids and punishments" are openly anil 
sliainelesi«l y dispensed, wherever the public business requires 
agency. Parti 7,an wrath lights its torch from the firebrand 
of the furies. In tlie first eighteen months of General Jack- 
son's administration, fourteen hundred and seventy-one of- 
ficers were dismissed from the public service on party 
grounds.* A pretty good beginning indeed, for a President 
who had preached a crusade against political parties, and 
held them up to public detestation, as " monsters that ought 
to be exterminated!'' We do not make a comparison be- 
tween the men, but never did Nero, in his prodigal despo- 
tism, deal out to his praetorian guards, more bountiful re- 
wards and honors, than General Jackson has done to his 
personal and political partizans.-j- With the virtues and ta- 



* S«e fh« estimate •f removalu in Mr. Holmw' speech in the SenatP, never contrndicted. 

t The following Is a list of the removals under th« several administrations of the government : — 

WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATION 
commenced JSth Maj-, 17K>— ended 3d March, 1707— number of removals 1 1— as follows :— 

19lh Nov. 1792.— John Armistcad was nominated Surveyor of riymoulli, North Carolina, vice Tho- 
Mas Davis Freeinon, .tnpcrserled. 

*th March, 1794.— Lawrence Muse, of Virginia, nominated Collector of Tappahannock, vice Hudson 
Muse, lupcricdcd. 

list Nov. 1794.— Joseph riicairn, N. T. nominated ViccConsui at Paris, vice Alexander Duvernet, 
tuperffdcd. 

10th Dec. 1794 —Wm. Prynolils, Va. Collector of Hampton, vice Abraham Archer, supmi-ded. 

94th Feb. 179-').— Constant Somcrs, Collcc«or at Bgg Harbor, N. J. vice Daniel Bcncz»t, fuperseded. 

39th June. 1795. — Dudley A tkinsTyng, Collector at Ncwburyport, Mass. vice Edward Wipglcswortli, 
attpcrtedcd. 

inih Dec. 1795.— Joseph Grnygon, Collector at Beaufort, S. C. vice Andrew Agnew, .superseded. 

Slit Dee. 1795. — Charles C PincKnny, S. C. Minister to France, vice James Monroe. 

S5th Jan. 1797.— Davul Russell, Vt. Collector at South Hero, Verriont, vice Stephen Keyeif, supcnt- 
ied. 

JOHN ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION 

coramcn-cd 4'h Marrli, 1797, ended 4th March, ISfll— niimbar of removals ll--as follows. 

l!)lh May, 1737 -Jo.-hui Bands, Collector nt New-York, vice John Lamb, dumis-ird—drjaallfr, 
"Still j<ov. 1797. — Ebenci'r Storer, Mas*. Inspector, vice Leonard Jarvie, dismissed. 

30»^ Nov. 1797.— Channccy Whittlesey, Collector at Midelelown, Conn, vice George Phillips, super- 
Sited. 

4th Dor 1797.— Tlinmap Crafts, Mass, Consul at Fordcnuji, vice Joseph Fenwick, dismissed. 

TcnchCnxc, of Philndclphia, Commlwioncr of the Rrvenuf-, was disinis-vd about this time. 

I4th r«b. ITW.- -Nathaniel Rogers, N- B. Buporvisor of the Revenue, vice Joslma Wciitworth, rfi'*- 
miiisd- 

21»t May, 1798.— Anderson MeWilllams, Surveyor, te. at Frcdcricktburp, Va. Vice Thomas Moffat, 
s\tper$edei. 

1ft March, i:^.-Joi!iiia Ile^d, Mass. Collector at Wtldoborough, rice Waterman Thomar, juptr- 
iried. 



23 



leuts of many of the repudiated officers, some of you are fa- 
miliar; and we invoke you all in the name of our common 
country, to reflect on the dreadful consequences, of allowing 
the great offices of the nation, to be prostituted to purposes 



nd March, ISOa.— Atidrew Cini. Collector at Perth Amboy, N. J(;rspy, ricp John Halstead; removed. 
12th May, 1800.— John Marshall, Va. Mccreary of Stale, vice Tiniotliy Pickering, removed. 

JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION 

cnmmenced 4lh ilarch 1801, ended 4th March 1809— nuinb«r of removals 36 —Four of theee appo'nt- 
menls were to fill vacancies created by Mr. Adaiiii.— Six wer« public defaulters, and one a romoval of 
his own appointment — the following i.s the list: 

William Gardner of New-Mampsliire, Commissioner of LoanF, vice Jolin Pierce, removed, (lardner 
t)ad been removed by Mr. Adams, and Pierce appointed. 

Joseph Whipple of New Hanipsliire, Collector at Portsmouth, vice Thomes Martin, removed. Whip- 
ple had been removed by Mr Adam.=, and .Martin appointed. 

Joseph Scott, Marshal Eastern District of Virginia, vice David M. Randolph, removed. Bandolph 
wa3 appointed by Washington in December 1795, and ra-appointed by Mr. .Adams, December 1799. 

John Smith, IMarshal Eastern District of PennsylTanla, vice John Hall, removed. Hull was appointed 
by Mr. Adams in December 1709. 

Joseph Croeke'tt, Marshal of Kentucky, vice Samuel M'Dowell, rentovid. M'DowcIl was appointed 
by Washington, September 1739, re-appointed in December 1T9:! re appointed January 1798. 

David Fay, District Attorney for Vermont, vice A. Marsh; remuvod. Marsh was appointed by VVash- 
iiigtou June 1794, and re appointed by Mr. Adams. 

Daniel Marsh, Collector, ile. at Perth Amboy, New-Jersey, vice Andrew Bell, remoncd. John Hal- 
Btead was removed 3d March 1800, and Bell appointed. 

James Lynn, of New-Jersey; Supervisor; vice A. Durham, rciiioord. Durham was appointed bjr 
Washington 4th March 1791. 

Mount Edward Chisuian, Collector at Hampton, Virginia, vie; Kirby, removed. Kirby was appointed 
by Washington, 2ist December 1706. 

Thomas de Mattos Johnson, Collector, Savannah, Georgia, vice James Powell, removed. Powell was 
appointed by Adams, 27th December 1797. 

Isaac Smith, Collector Cherrystone, Virginia ; vice Nathaniel Wilkins, removed. Wilkins was ap- 
pointed by Washington, 25tii Way 1790. 

George W. Irwin, of Massachusetts, Consul at London, vice Samuel Williunis, removed. Williams 
■was transfened from Huniburg to I-ondon, 5th December 1797. 

Joseph Hook, Collector at Pen jl)3cot, Massachusetts, vice Jehn Lee, removed. Lee was appoiut»J 
by Washington, 3d August 178;l. 

Reuben Ettini;, Marshal of Maryland, vice David Hopkins, removed. Hopkins was api)ointcd by 
Adams, 5tli December 1800. 

John Heard, Marshal of New Jersey, vice Thomas Lowry, removed. Lowry had been twice a? 
pointed by Washington, and last by Adams, on the lOlh January 1798. 

John Swartvvout, Marshal District New York; vice Aquilla Giles, removed. Giles was twice ap- 
pointed by Washington, and once by Adams, 22d December 1800. 

Ephraim Kirby, Connecticut, Supervisor, vice J, Chester, removed. Chester was appointed by Wash- 
ington, 4th March 1731. 

Ale.tander Wolcott, Collector, Middletown, Connecticut, vice Chauncey Whittlesey, removed. Whit- 
tiesej was appointed by Adams, 30th .November 1797, vice George Philips, superseded. 

Samuel Osgood, Supervisor, New-York, vice Nicholas Fisih, rcmoo^i/. Fish was appninted by Wo^h- 
ington, 27th Dec. 1793. 

David Gelstoo, Collector at Now York, vice Joshua Sands, remouod. Sands wasappoinled by Adams 
19th May 1797, vice John Lamb, dismissed. 

Peter Muhlenberg, Supervisor of Pennsylvania, vice Henry Miller, rrmaced. Miller was appointed 
by Washington, 10th December 1794. 



21 



of vliulictive pei'seciitioii aiul iuclirect luilierv: or of permit- 
tine; them to be used as a species of political currency, in 
Avhich tlie President pays off his partizans, according to the 
({uantum of service they had brought in aid of his election. 



January llth 1803. Joseph Farlpy, Collector at Waldoborough, Massachusetts, vice Joshua Head, 
removed. Head was appointed by Adams, March 1st 1799, vice VValcrinan Thomas, superseded. 

John Gibaut, Collector at Gloucester, Massachusetts, vice William Tuck, removed. Tuck was ap- 
pointed by Washington, 12th March 1795. 

Joseph Wilson, Collector at Marblehead, iMassachusetts, vice Samuel R. Gerry, removed. Gerry \va» 
appointed by Washington, 2d August 1790. 

Ralph Cross, Collector at Newburyport, Massachusetts, vice Dudley A. Tyng, removed. Tyng was 
appointed by Washington, 2jth June 1795, vice Edward Wigglesworlh, superseded. 

John Shore, Collector at Petersburg, Virginia, vice William Heth, removed. Heth was appointed by 
Washington and Adams. 

Robert A. .\cw, Collector at Louisville Kentucky, vice James M'Connel, removed. M'Connel was ap- 
pointed by Adams, 8lh December 1800. 

llth January 1803. Daniel Bifsel, Collector at Massac, vice William Chribs. removed. Chribs was 
appointed by JeDerson in the recsss of 1801, and nominated to the Senate 6th January 1802, and con- 
firmed. 

-Ith Februai7 1803. Isaac lilsey, Jun., Collector at Portland, Massachusetts, vice Nallianiel F. Fos- 
dick, removed. 

Zacariah Stevens, Surveyor and Inspector at Gloucester, Massachusetts, vice Samuel Whiltemore 
rtnieved. Wliittumore was appointed by Washington, 3d August 1789. 

Joseph Story, Naval officer, 3alein and Beverly, Massachusetts, vice William Pickman, removed. 
Pickman was appointed by Washington, 3d August 1789. 

Jiibez Pennyman, Collector, &c. at Allbur!,h, Vermont, vice David Russel, removed. Russel was ap- 
poiutcd by Washington, 23th January 1797, vice Stephen Keys, superseded. 

llth November 1803 John M. Goelshins, of New York, Consul at Genoa, vice Frederick H. Walloi- 
ton, superseded. Walloston was appointed by Adams, 7th July 1797. 

Jared Mansfield, Connecticut, Surveyor General, &.c. vice Rufus Putnam, removed. Putnam was 
appointed by Washington, 21st January 1796. 

Henry Warren, Collector, &.c. Plymouth, Massachusetts, vice William Watson, removed. Watson 
was appointed by Washington, 3d August 1789. 

Samuel Osgood, Naval Oflicer, New- York, vice Richard Rogers, removed. Rogers was appointed 
by Washington, lllh February 1797. 

Jeremiah Bennot, Jun. Collector, &c. at Bridgetown, New-Jersey, vice Eli Eltiier, removed. Elmer 
was appointed by Washington, 3d August, 1789. 

November llth 1803. H. B. Trist, Collector for Mississippi, vice John F. Carmirhael, removed. Car- 
micbacl was appointed by Adams, 4th January 1800. 

MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION 

commenced on the 4th March 1809, and ended 4th March, 1317— number of removals 5. it will be re- 
membered that Mr. Clinton very fiercely conteste<l Mr. Madison's second term, and obtained about 80 
electoral votes, — so that ho came intoolTicc with pretty nmch such an opposition to his election as Gen. 
Jackson has done. The following is the list of Mr. Madison's removals — 

18th December 1809. John Epinger, Marshal of Georgia, vice Benjamin Wall, removed, & defaulter. 

13th November I8I1. Lemuel Trescolt, Collector al Passainaquoddy, vice Lewis Federick de Les- 
.dienter, removed, a defaulter. 

N&tHtn Sage, Collector, &c. at Oswego, New- York, vice Joel Burt, removed, a defaulter. 

23d Mprcli 1H14. Oliver Chaplain, Surveyor at New-London, Connecticut, vice N. Richards, remov- 

13th Feb. Ifjl". Jonathan Richmond, Collwtor of direct taxes, \ew-Vork,>ice RoswfU Touscley 



25 

The sublime moral spectacle of a great and virtuous people, 
selecting their first executive officer, by the exercise of en- 
lightened judgment, and independent opinion, has heretofore 
been contemplated with pride and gratification, wherever 
the blessings of free government were known or appreciat- 
ed; but if ever the American people shall deliberately sanc- 

MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION 

commenced 4tli March 1817, and ended 4tl) March 1825— number of removali nine— of thai* th« 
causes of the removal of seven are ascertained — 

Two Foreign Consuls failed as merchants and therefore forfeited their consular offices. 

Another Consul, Auld.jo, for insanity. 

The removal of the Consul at Glasgowr was demanded by the British Government. 

Another Consul was recalled on the complaint of American merchants. 

A District Attorney for Florida was removed for abandoning his office, and staying in Maryland. 

D. R. Mitchell, Creek agent, was removed on a charge of conniving at an illegal transportation of 
slaves. 

12th December 1817. George G Barroll, Consul at Malaga, vice Wm. Kirkpatrick, rcmnvod. 

Wra. Crawford, Receiver of Public money, Mississippi Territory, vice Samuel Smith, removed. 

26th January 1819. John Nicholson, Marshal Louisiana, vice Michael Reynolds, removed. 

20th February 1821. John Crowell, Indian agent, Creek Nation, vice David B. Mitchell, remnvnd. 

21st December 1821. Henry Janson, Jun. Consul at Christiansand, Norway, vice Peler Isaasson, 
removed. 

3d January 1823. Robert R. Hunter, New- York, Consul at Cowes, England, vice Thomas Auldjo, 
removed. 

22d February 1824. David Walker, of Pennsylvania, Consul at Glasgow, Scotland, vice Harvey 
Strong, removed. 

16th December 1824. Wm McKee, Surveyor of Public Lands in Illinois and Missouri, vice Wllliaoi 
Rector, removed. 

SOth February 1825. Albert J. Clag6tt,of Maryland, District Attorney, West Florida, vice William P. 
Steele, removed. 

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION 

commenced 4th March, 1825, and ended 4th March 1829 — number of removals two. One of these wai 
on a charge of violation fifteen years ago, of the embargo laws. 

ANDREW JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION 

commenced on the 4th March 1829, and in the first eighteen months of his administration fourteen huu« 
dred and seventy-one public officers were dismissed !— of these two hundred and thirty-nine were ex- 
pelled directly by the President, chiefly in the recess, more than three times the number removed by all 
the former Presidents for forty years. Four hundred and ninety-one were removed from the post of- 
fice department — as officially reported. Likewise one hundred and fifty-one subordinate officers from 
the customs, and deputy clerks and collectors; deputy marshals; private secretaries of foreign ministers; 
clerks inland and other offices; surveyors and others; estimated at si.t hundred — as was asserted in the 
Senate of the United States and never contradicted. See Mr. Holmes Speech in the Senate. 

It would be almost impossible to arrive at the whole number of removals since Gen. Jackson came 
into office. The inquisitive reader may form some idea of the corrupt system by referring to Niles' 
Register~vol. 36. pages 34. 67. 119. 133, 149. 163. 181. 199.234. 377. 410, and vol. 37. pages 67. 87. 149. 
164. 275. 327. 412. 433. vol. 38. pages8. 49. 50. 97. 105 112. 142. 216. 229. 254. 270. 301. 325. 355. vol. 39. 
pages 121. 188. 218. 217. 301. 332. 333. vol. 40. pages 26. .55. 59. 63. 95. 131. 230. 2-;£2. 223. 254. 294, 337. 394i 
401. 433. etc. 

There is no end to the private distress which the party animosity of Gen. Jackson and Mr. Van Bu- 
ren has brought upon the country — General Jackson's administration has been compared with Mr. J»f. 
ferson's, but with what truth, let the reader decide by reference to the facts we have stated. 



26 

tion the system of favoritism and corruption, which has 
marked the administration of General Jackson, it will effec- 
tually destroy the political purity, freedom of opinion, and 
national security of the country. In Uvo instances, out of 
the whole number of dismissals we have enumerated, the ad- 
ministration has attempted to excuse its injustice, by prose- 
cuting its innocent victims as public defaulters; but to the 
honor of our nature and to the political institutions of the 
country, in each instance the triumph of the accused has 
been signal and complete.* 

But so much for the President's practical commentary up- 
on his theory in regard to appointments; and such has been 
the fulfilment of his solemn pledge, that if he were chief 
magistrate he would put in practice the advice he had recom- 
mended to others. 

Yet there was a time in the history of Gen. Jackson when 
he was peculiarly sensitive on the subject of appointments. 
Since he has been President he has forced an appointment 
on the Senate contrary to the expressed opinions of a major- 
ity of that body.f But in former times, if a government 

*Mr. Nourse, chiefclerkofthe Treasury department, and Mr.Phillebrown, were prosecuted hy the go- 
vernment as public defaulters; the former to ii heavy amount. The cases were brought to trial, and a 
court and jury on their oaths, gave verdicts in f^vor of the defendants — to wil: that the government owed 
Mr. Nourse 12000 and odd dollars, and Mr. Phillebrown 400 and odd dollars, it is rather strange that 
Gen. Jackson should wage war against presumed defaulters, when it is known he has appointed many 
to office, knowing them to be such — Mr. Livingston the present Secretary of State,;was for twenty-five 
years a public defaulter — and prosecuted Mr. Jefferson for ordering the Marshal to seize his property for 
the debt — It has been stated that his account stands settled with the Treasury, but how and whether the 
goveinmeat has received the wholeof the original debt, amounting to $50,000 with interest for more 
than twenty years, is not ascertained— Mr. Barry was appointed to the General Post office, owing the 
government, as admittedin the defence published in the Globe ,§10,000, but it was not recoverable, ow- 
ing to some chicanery in the law—the prosecution was not legally conducted, and Mr. Barry escaped by 
law and not t>y justice, as the criminal sometimes docs, from an error in the indictment. Major Lee 
who was appointed Consul Gensral to Algiers, was a defaulter for S3500— and unless the amount has 
been retained out of his pay It Is now lost to the government. 

There is a very siagular circumstance connecttd with the present administration— When General 
Washington was retiring from the Presidency, It was proposed in Congress to transmit him a vote of 
thanks, in testimony of the high respect which the co ordinate departments of the government enler- 
Ulned for his zealous and patriotic public services. Three distinguished members of Ctmgress voted 
against the proposition— Andrew Jackson of Tennessee, Edward Livingston of New Vork and \Vm. B. 
Giles of Virginia. It Is still more surprising, that the only two survivors who opposed this affeciionatc 
proceeding, in reference to the father of his country— He, of whom it has been justly said " his fame 
was whiter than it was brilliant," are new at the head of the government— Gen. Jackson and 
Mr. Llvingiton. 

t Neah was nominatMl and rejectod, again nomioated during the abaence of diiscnting Senators and 



27 - 

agent was disagreeable to himself or his friends, Gen. Jack- 
son was the most infuriate complainant in the United States. 
We have reference particularly to the General's far-famed 
philippic against Silas Dinsmore, who was agent of the 
Choctaw Imlians, under the administration of Mr. Madi- 
son. Mr. Dinsmore it seems, became obnoxious to the He- 
ro, and his friends ; he had refused a passage to a family 
through the Indian nation, who came unprovided with a 
passport, and for this exercise of his duty, Gen. Jackson 
became so enraged, as to write immediately to the govern- 
ment, (through the Hon. G. W, Campbell) in a style, and 
temper, and grammar, which we hesitate not to say, would 
do but little credit to ane of the Chiefs themselves. Lest 
you may have forgotten something of the manner and matter 
of this famous epistle, and in order to show Gen. Jackson's 
extreme impatience, and violent temper, under appointments 
that did not please him, we would refer you to his letter to 
the Hon. G. W. Campbell, indirectly addressed to the Se- 
cretary at War, and which is now on file in the Depart- 
ment.* 

'^ When 1 received your letter of the 10th of April," says 
Gen. Jackson, "I, nor the citizens of West Tennessee, he- 
sitated not to believe, that, Silas Dinsmore would cease to 
exercise, over our citizens, such lawless tyranny, as he had 
been in the habit of.'' And speaking of the detention of the 
family by the agent, the writer continues : ^^ And for 
what? the want of a passport : and my God is it come to 
this? are we freemen, or, are wc slaves? is this real: or 
is it a dream ? for what are we involved in a war with 
Great Britain ? is it not for the support of our rights as an 
independent people and a nation, secured to us by nature, 
and natures God, as well as solemn treaties, and the lata of 



the nomination confirmed. This is Gen. Jackson's democracy, malting the minority superior to the 
majority. 

* See Nilea' Register, vol, 34. page 1 12. 



28 

nations? and can the Secretary at war for one moment re- 
tain the idea, that we will permit tliis petty tyrant to sport 
with our rights, secured to us by treaty, and which by the 
law of nature we do possess P and sport with our feelings, 
by publishing his lawless tyranny exercised over a helpless 
and unprotected female P AVere Ave base enough to surren- 
der our independent rights secured to us by the bravery and 
the blood of our forefathers, we would be unworthy the 
name of freemen. The indignation of our citizens are * 
only restrained by assurances that government, so soon as 
they are notified, of this unwarrantable insult, added to ma- 
ny injuries that Silas Dinsmore lias heaped upon our hon- 
est citizens, that he will be removed. Should we be de- 
ceived in this, ho. frank with the Secretary of War, that 
we are freemen, and that we will support the supremacy of 
the laws, and that the ivruth and indignation of our citi- 
zens will sweep from the Earth the invader of their legal 
rights, and involve Silas Dinsmore in the flames of his 
agpncy house.'^- And again, '' Should not the source of the 
evil be removed, our right secured by treaty restored to our 
citizens, the agent and his house will be demolished.*' The 
General thus concludes : ^'this may be thought strong lan- 
guage, but it is the language that freemen, when they are 
claiming a fulfilment of their rights, ought to use : it is the 
language that they ought to be taught to lisp from their cra- 



*In this beautiful specimen of diction and punctuation, we find the President of the United Stales 
indulging himself in repeated attacks on the King's Enghsh.— In addition to the examples above, we 
would refer the curious to the following from the same letter— We have made these quotations with 
great care, giving the wording, pointing, &c. precisely as they were published from the original: " Neither 
can we the citizens of Tennessee, believe, without better proof, that the hair of thr head of one of the 
murderers of Manley's family, and Crawley's, at the mouth of Duck river, are disturbed by the Creeks, 
when we have proof that they have lately passed near Ilusknshia, fifteen in number to join the Prophet." 
Again, " pardon the trouble I have given you in this long letter ; it relates to the two subjects that hat 
for some time irritated the public mind, and is now ready to burst forth in vengeance." These ate ex- 
amples of the grossest violation of the plainest and simplest rule in grammar; and yet there are those 
who profess to believe that the late messages to Congress were dictated by the same head. We should 
Ilk* to know the ftolitical legerdemain by which this wonderful transformation is effected. 



29 

dies, uml never ivhen they are claiming rights from any 
other nation ever to abandon.*'*^ 

Pretty language this, truly, and most discreet sentiments 
from one who has since been chosen President of the Unit- 
ed States. The agency houses of the government were to 
be set on fire, and the agent himself burnt to death in them, 
and the whole '^swept from the Earth," and yet the govern- 
ment was gravely informed, that all this outrage was "sup- 
porting the supremacy of the laws." The friends of Gen- 
eral Jackson cannot excuse this coarse and incendiary at- 
tempt to bully the government. He was then upwards of 
fifty years of age — quite too old to learn. Indeed, we may 
with truth apply to Gen. Jackson, what Napoleon said of 
the Bourbons-— he has "learnt nothing, he has forgotten no- 
thing." 

In every instance where we can arrive at a written ex- 
pression of General Jackson's opinions, no two principles 
in all nature are more diametrically opposed, than his pro- 
fessions and his practice. In that very remarkable docu- 
ment of inexplicable opinion, and most ridiculous composi- 
tion, his letter of resignation to the legislature of Tennessee, 
of Oct. 1825, we find the following grave aiid formal an- 
nouncement of his sentiments in relation to the appointment 
of members of Congress to office. "I would impose," says' 
Gen. Jackson, "a provision rendering any member of Con- 
gress ineligible to office under the general government, dur- 
ing the term for which he was elected, and for two years 
thereafter, except in cases of judicial office. The effect of 
such a constitutional provision is obvious. By it Congress 
in a considerable degree would be free from that connexion 



* We wonder if the President was governed by tliis rule when he insisted on the Jate instructions 
being given to our minister at the English court. Perhaps the same magic wand whif h eould convert 
arson and murder into "a support of the supremacy of the laws" might transform a rash and furious 
demand, into a fawning, penitent, supphcating prayer, and make them mean the one and the gaia« 
thing. The temper and ignorance of Gen. Jackson are so manifest it seems like an act of super«roga- 
ion to attempt to expose them. 



30 

with the exexutive departments which at present gives stronjj; 
ground of apprehension and jealousy to the people. Mem- 
bers instead of being liable to be withdrawn from legislating 
on the great interests of the nation, through prospects of ex- 
ecutive patronage, would be liberally confided in ])y their 
constituents, while their vigilance would be less interrupted 
by party feelings and party excitement. Calculations from 
intrigue or management would fail, nor would their delibera- 
tions or tlieir investigation of subjects consume so much time. 
The morals of the country would be improved, and virtue 
uniting with the labours of the representatives, and Avith the 
official ministers of the law, would tend to jperpetuate the hon- 
or and glory of the government, lint if this change in the 
Constitution should not be obtained, and important ajipoint- 
ments should continue to devolve on the representatives in 
Congress, it requires no depth of thought to be convinced 
that corruption ivill become the order of the day, and evils 
of serious importance to the freedom and pros]} erity of the 
republic must arise. It is through this channel thai the peo- 
ple may eocpect to be attacked in their constitutional sover- 
eignty, — and where tyranny may irell be apprehended to 
spring vjJ in some favorable emergency. ^^ 

Now had any one predicted at the epoch of these solemn 
assurances, that in 1829, Avhen Gen. Jackson should be elect- 
ed to the Presidency, the very first of his official acts would 
be to fill his cabinet, and the great diplomatic offices of the 
country almost exclusively with members of Congress, we 
venture to assert that his most prejudiced political opponent, 
would scarcely have credited the prophecy. No one would 
then have believed, that regardless of the perilous conse- 
quences that were likely to result from the odious practice, 
he pretended to deprecate, and in violation of the solemn 
pledge given on the same occasion, declaring lie felt it "as 
due to himeelf to practiceon the maxims rerommended to oth- 
/irs/'that in two years after his election, Gen. Jackson would 



3x 

have appointed nineteen members of Congress to office. f 
Taking this letter in connexion Avith those to Mr. Mor- 
roe, no one would have supposed, that tlie writer so soon /.'s 
he became President himself, would liave sacrificed our hi^st 
and Avisest agents for party purposes, and with the YieM o^ 
increasing tlie very ^system of appointments, the practice of 
which, in his opinion, "made corruption the order of the day, 
and Avas an evil of serious importance to the freedom and 
prosperity of tlie Republic." In a government like ours no 
diiference should be admitted betAveen moral and political 
honesty. The man whose character is not fair and upright 
in public life, is rarely ever esteemed in his private associa- 

•Martin Van Buren, Senator from N. v., Secretary of State. 

John H. Eaton, Senator from Tennessee, Secretery of War. 

John Branch, Senator from North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy. 

Samuel D. Ingham, Member of the House of Representatives, from Pennsylvania, 
Secretary of the Treasury. 

J. M. Berrien, Senator from Georgia, Attorney General. 

Louis McLane, Senator from Delaware, A^inisterto England. 

Wm. E. Rives, Member of the House of Representatives from Virginia, Minister 
to France. 

Thos. P. Moore, Member of the House of Representatives from Kentucky, Minis- 
ter to Colombia. 

George AV. Owen, Member of the House of Representatives from Alabama, Col- 
kctorat Mobile. 

John Chandler, Senator from Maine, Collector at Portland. 

Jeromus Johnson, Member of the House of Representatives from New York, Ap- 
praiser of Goods. 

Mr. Slower, Member elect from New York, U. S. District Attorney for Florida. 

Levi Woodbury, Memberof the Senate from New Hampshire, Secretary of the 
Navy. 

Edward Livingston, Member of the Senate from Louisiana, Secretary of State. 

James Buchannan, Memberof the House of Representatives from Pennsylvania 
Minister to St. Petersburg. 

P. P. Barbour, Memberof the House of Representatives from Virginia, Judge of 
District Court of Va. 

John Randolph, Member of the House of Representatives from Virginia, Minister 
to St. Petersburg. 

Lerah L. Hobbie, member of the House of Representatives from New York, Assis- 
lalit Post Master, N. Y. 

Jonathan Harvey, Member of the House of Representatives, appointed Navy 
Agent at Portsmouth, N. H declined. 



32 

lions. But such has been the theory and such the practice 
of Gen. Jackson ; in precept a saint^ in practice a political 
puritan. 

"VVe candidly admit we never did concur with the Presi- 
dent, as to the danger or impropriety of giving appointments 
to members of the Natioual Legislature. In filling the 
great oiiices of the nation, it was always our opinion, that 
the best talents and the purest virtue of the country, should 
be commanded without restriction, and if those whom the 
people have chosen to represent them, are to be considered 
(ex officio) unworthy of public confidence, it would be a stain 
upon our national character, which a senator ought never to 
have admitted. But if in denouncing the practice of ap- 
pointing members of Congress to office,as being fraught with 
fatal consequences to the "freedom of the republic,*' Gen. 
Jackson was not sincere in the expression of his opinion, we 
ask, is he worthy the confidence of the American people ? 
And if he was sincere, after violatiug his ovvii sense of pro- 
priety, and in his opinion, the most sacred interests of the 
country, we again ask is he worthy of further confidence ? 

Upon the important subject of internal improvement. Gen. 
Jackson's inconsistency has been equally gross and absurd. 
Almost from tlie origin of our political existence, the expe- 
diency and constitutionality of opening post-roads, military 
roads, and the exercise of the power of internal improve- 
ment upon its broadest principles, have rC;Ceiv^d the sanction 
of our government. So early as 1784 an ordinance was 
passed, making provision for a grant of lands to the states, 
with 5 per cent, of the money arising from the sale of those 
lands, for the purpose of constructing high-ways within the 
old states, and for the further object of connecting them more 
intimately with the new states, by the establishment of pul>- 
lic roads, and other means of intercommunication. In 1809 
Congress passed an act in confirmation of the same principle; 
and in 1811, another act received its sanction, for the opening 



8S 

of public roads from Nashville in Tennessee, to the town of 
Natchez, in Mississippi, and from the rapids of the river 
Miami, to the western line of the Connecticut reserve. In 
1826,President Madison, upon his own executive authority, 
without the sanction of Congress, or even the assent of the 
State through w hich it was to pass, caused a military road 
to be constructed from Plattsburg, or its immediate vicinity, 
to Sackett's liarbour. 

In 1817, the question as to the power of the general gov- 
ernment under the Constitution, to engage in works of in- 
ternal improvement, was discussed in Congress by the a- 
blestand most brilliant statesmen of the nation, and after the 
most elaborate investigation, and a debate that would have 
done honor to the wisest and brightest age of the world, it 
was ^^resolved" by a vote of 90 to 75, "^ that Congress had 
the power under the Constitution, to appropriate money for 
the construction of post-roads, military and other roads and 
canals, and for the improvement of water courses." The 
great principle being thus settled, the government continued 
to appropriate its surplus funds, to objects of internal im- 
provement, in almost every State in the Union. Under its 
wise and benign auspices, the great Cumberland road on its 
rout to St. Louis, was commenced; harbors Avere deepened; 
the beds of rivers cleaned out; break waters were constructed; 
light-houses erected; and every effort was made consistent 
with prudence and propriety, to connect and improve every 
part of the country. Upon this all-absorbing question, Gen. 
Jackson upon every occasion up to 1825, while he was a 
member of the national legislature, voted in favor of the ex- 
pediency of internal improvement, the constitutional power 
of Congress to engage in it, and invariably supported in its 
broadest sense, the most liberal construction of the constitu- 
tion. If there was any subject upon which thjB General's 
opinions seemed to be firm and conclusive, it was on this in- 
teresting question. But that you may form a more accurate 



3i 

estimate of his sentiments, and understand how thoroughly 
he advocated the principle in its most extended application, 
we insert from the public records an extract of his votes in 
Congress touching this particular question. 

Extract. 

1824 — April 23. — The Senate resumed the bill "to procnre the ne- 
cessary surveys, plans, and estimates, upon the subject of Roads and Ca- 
nals." 

Mr. Smith, of Maryland, moved that there be inserted, at the end of the 
first section, the following proviso : 

" Provided, That nothing herein contained, shall be construed to affirm 
or admit a power in Congress, on their own authority, to make Roads or 
Canals within any of the States of the Union." 

Mr. Van Dyke moved to add to this amendment the following : 

'■^ And provided, also, That previous to making any of the aforesaid sur- 
veys, the consent of the States through which the said surveys are to be 
made, shall first be obtained by the President, from the Legislatures of th» 
States respectively, agreeing that such surveys may be made." 

The question upon agreeing to this motion of Mr. Van Dyke, was decid- 
ed as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Chandler, Elliott, Gaillard,King of N. Y., 
Lloyd of Mass. Macon, Mills, Palmer, Taylor of Va. Van Buren, Van Dyke, 
Ware — 15. 

JVays — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Branch, Brown, Clayton, D'Wolf, 
Eaton, Edwards, Findlay, Hayne, Holmes of Me. Holmes of Miss. Jackson, 
Johnson of Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. Johnston, King of Ala. Knight, 
Lanman, Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Ruggles, Seymour, Talbot, 
Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams— 28. 

The question was then taken upon agreeing to the amendment o f Mr. 
Smith, as above stated, and decided as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, Clayton, D'Wolf, El- 
liott, Findlay, Gaillard, Holmes of Me. King of Ala. King of N. Y. Lloyd, 
of Mass. Macon, Mills, Palmor, Smith, Taylor ofVa.Van Buren, Van Dyke, 
Ware— 21. 

JSTays — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, Dickerson, Eaton, Edwards, 
Hayne, Holmes of Miss. Jackson, Johnson of Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. 
Johnston, Kelly, Knight, Lanman, Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, 
Ruggles, Seymour, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams — 25. 

Mr. Holme I of Maine, then moved to add to the first section the fol- 
lowing : 



35 

"Provided, And the faith of the United States is hereby pledged, that no 
money shall ever be expended for Roads or Canals, except it shall be a- 
raong the several States, and in the same proportions as direct taxes are 
laid and assessed by the provisions of the constitution." 

-And the quesfion being taken upon said motion, it was decided as fol- 
lows: 

Yeas — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, D'Wolf, Elliott, Find- 
lay, Gaillard, Holmes of Me., King of N. Y., Knight, Lanman, Lloyd of 
Mass. Macon, Mills, Palmer, Taylor of Va. Van Buren, Ware — 19. 

JVays — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, Clayton, Dickerson, Eaton, Ed- 
vpards, Hayne, Holmes of Miss. Jackson, Johnson of Ky. Henry Johnson, 
Josiah S. Johnston, Kelly, King of Ala. Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, 
JYoble, Buggies, Seymour, Smith, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Van 
Dyke, Williams— 27. 

No farther amendment being proposed, the question upon the third 
reading of the bill was decided as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, Dickerson, Eaton, Findlay, Hayne, 
Holmes of Miss. Jackson, Johnson of Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. John- 
ston, Kelly, Lanman, Lloyd of Mass. Lloyd of Md. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, No- 
ble, Ruggles, Smith, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams — 25. 

JYaijs — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, Clayton, D'Wolf, Ed- 
wards, Elliott, Gaillard, Holmes of Me. King of Ala. King of N. Y. Knight, 
Macon, Mills, Palmer, Seymour, Taylor of Va. Van Buren, Van Dyke, 
Ware— 21. 

1824 — May 19 — On the question of passing to a third reading the bill 
" To improve the navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers," the votes 
were as follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Barton, Benton, Brown, D'Wolf, Dickerson, Eaton, Find- 
lay, Holmes of Miss. Jackson, Johnson of Ky. Henry Johnson, Josiah S. 
Johnston, Kelly, Lanman, Lloyd of Mass. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, Par- 
rott, Ruggles, Smith, Talbot, Taylor of Ind. Thomas, Williams — 25. 

JSTays — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Branch, Chandler, Clayton, Edwards, El- 
liott, Gaillard, Hayne, Holmes of Me. King of Ala. King of N. Y. Macon, 
Mills, Palmer, Seymour, Taylor of Va. Van Buren, Van Dyke, Ware — 20. 
1826 — Feb. 24 — On the passageof the bill authorising a subscription of 
stock in the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, the votes were as 
follows : 

Yeas — Messrs. Barton, Bouligny, Brown, D'Wolf, Dickerson, Eaton, 
Edwards, Findlay, Jackson, Johnson of Ky. Johnston of Lou. Kelly, Lan- 
man, Lloyd of Mass. Lowrie, Mcllvaine, Noble, Parrott, Ruggles, Smith, 
Talbot, Thomas, Van Dyke, Williams — 24. 



36 

J^ays — Messrs. Barbour, Bell, Benton, Branch, Chandler, Clayton, El- 
liott, Hayne, Holmes, of Me. Holmes of Miss. King of Ala. King of N. Y. 
Knight, McLean, llacon, Seymour, Tazewell, Van Buren — 18. 

But General Jackson by the sanction of his vote, lias car- 
pied the principle of internal improveuient still further than 
his, and has exceeded the limit of prudence and propriety, 
advocated by many of the warmest friends of the measure. 
In 1824 — '25, an extraordinary bill was submitted to Con- 
gress for the purpose of opening a national road through the 
State of Missouri, and for three hundred miles into the 
Mexican territory. Tlie propriety and constitutionality of 
this bill, were very vehemently opposed by many of the firm- 
est friends of internal improvement; but Gen. Jackson in 
opposition to the wisest admonitions, and the most conclu- 
sive reasoning, gave his deliberate vote in favor of appropri- 
ating the public funds, for the opening of a government road 
through the territory of an adjoining nation.* 

In further illustration of Gen. Jackson's opinions on the 
subject of internal improvement, the legislature of Indiana 
in 1828 passed a resolution, requiring to be informed as to 
the General's sentiments, in regard to the expediency and 
constitutionality of constructing roads and canals, out of the 
funds of the United States; and desiring to know, in the e- 
vent of his being elected President, if he would foster and 
encourage a system of intertial improvement. Gen. Jackson 
in reply to Gov. Ray, who addressed him in virtue of this 
resolution, thus expresses his opinion: " I pray you. Sir, 
respectfully to state tb the Senate of Indiana, that my opi- 
nions at present are precisely what they were in 1823 and 
'24, \fhen I voted for the present tariif, and appropriations 
for internal improvements.*' And in another part of this 
reply the General contimies J "I will further observe to 



♦ I'pouthis liill thn fnllowiiii? were the yeas :— Mossrs. narton, Hentnii, llmilipny, Brown, Pe Wolfe, 
Balon, EdwnrdH, Kllml, Ilnlmcs of Mississirpi, Jnckson, Johiiion of Konlmky, Johnston of I.oniginnp, 
Kally, Knight, I.niiman, I.oyil of Massachusetts, I.ourie, M«llvuiiie, RkLano, Noblo, I'ahner, ParroU' 
Buggies, Seymour, Smith, Talbot, Taylor, Thomas, yan BitrcK, Van Dyke. 



37 

J^our excellency, tliat my views of constitutional power, aftd 
American policy, were imbibed in no small degree, in times 
and from the sages of the Revolution; and that my experi- 
ence has not disposed me to forget their lessons, and in con- 
clusion I will repeat, my opinions remain as they were in 
'23 and '24." 

In 1829 we have continued evidence of Gen. Jackson's 
attachment to the wisdom of the policy, as well as to the 
constitutionality of internal improvement. At this epoch of 
his administration he gave his sanction to various bills, in- 
volving the principle in its fullest extent — for example, the 
bills appropriating 825,688 for the improvement of the na- 
vigation of Cape Fear river, in the State of North Carolina; 
8000 and odd dollars for removing bars at or near the mouth 
of Black river, in the State of Ohio; ^i^' 15,000 for removing 
obstructions at or near tlie mouth of Big Sodus bay, in the 
State of New York; #6000 for improving the navigation of 
Conneaut creek, in the same state; and jr^500,000 for the 
purpose of surveying the Indian lauds, and in furtherance 
of the views of Georgia, in connexion with this afflicted and 
persecuted race. 

But for these historical facts, it would be difficult to ima- 
gine, how any man, who has the honor of presiding in the 
Executive chair of the United States, could in the short pe- 
riod of a year from the date of these bills, throw a- 
side opinions which he had maintained for half a cen- 
tury, and which he gravely declares, he had '^^ imbib- 
ed from the sages of the Revolution." But extraordinary as 
it may seem, the revolution at Washington which followed 
upon the election of Gen. Jackson, produced a correspon- 
dent change in his opinions. The whole principle of inter- 
nal improvement was then abandoned, and the entire system 
stigmatized as an assumption of power, by the wise and con- 
sistent sjtatesman, who had learned to support its constitu- 
tionality from the spirits of '76; who had but recently ad- 
vocated the propriety of constructing a national road for 



8S 

(hree hundred miles beyond the limits of the United States; 
and who, only two years before, in his letter to the Gover- 
nor of Indiana, had expressly declared, that "internal im- 
provement and the tariflP, embraced the leading objects of any 
system which aspired to the name of American.''* 

Notwithstandini; all this public evidence of Gen. Jack- 
son's previous opinions, on this great national question, we 
find him in the spring of 1830, in opposition to a large ma- 
jority of the people's representatives in both houses of Con- 
gress, putting his veto on the bills making appropriations 
for the llockville and JMaysville roads, and for the Louis- 
ville and Portland canal.* The first of these great works 
would have connected the seat of government with paved 
roads to the town of Cincinna^ti in the State of Ohio. The 
Maysville road, if we credit the report of the United States' 
Engineers, Col. Long and Major Trimble, was one of the 
greatest thoroughfares in Kentucky, being the route of the 
great mail between the Atlantic States, through Kentucky, 
Tennessee, Alabama, and on to New Orleans, while such 
was the wretched condition of this road, at the time of the 
Engineers' report, that the government was paying 880 per 
mile for the transportation of the mail upon it. The Lou- 
isville and Portland Canal was the only obstruction, in the 
great high-way of the West, which in its course traverses 
more than 2000 miles, and is directly connected with the 
commerce of thirteen States, and territories large enough for 
several more. Yet Gen. Jackson, who had been the invet- 
erate advocate of internal improvement for more than fifty 
years, rejected these important works on the ground that his 



• It has aln-ayt been customnry wilh our Preiidents to sign any bill which passed both houses of 
Confrcks, and the propriety of this acquiescence upon the part of the Chifit'Magislraie has ncvrr been 
doubted, and surh has heretofore been considered as his bounden duty, unless the case was an extreme 
one and involvr-d dangerous, principles— Will Gen. Jackson contend that a bill for Internal Improve- 
ment ii such a easel Louis Philippe, King of the French, has lately put his Veto on some bill which 
piMcd both Lcgislatire Chambers. The refusal of llie Royal assent has produced great commotion in 
f r«nee, and may have an influenr« on the monarchies of Europe— yet in the Cnited States, Gener&l 
J»tkion ku taufht bis »uppoucri to regard the rejecting privilega as one of trifling importimce 



39 

opinions had undergone a change, and that the works them- 
gelves Avere not of a national character, — hut with what 
claim to wisdom or consistency, let every intelligent and re- 
flecting mind determine, from a reference to his former o- 
pinions, and with a knowledge of tlie fact, that only a year 
before, he had given his sanction to bills embracing the same 
principle, and making appropriations for comparatively di- 
minutive and local objects. But Gen. Jackson's consisten- 
cy does not stop here. In the following Spring of 1831, 
foro-etful of his own declaration but a year before, that his 
opinions had undergone a change as to the power of the go- 
vernment to engage in works of internal improvement, we 
find him taking another political somerset, and signing va- 
rious bills making appropriations for internal improvement 
to the full extent of the principle, without regard to the lo- 
cation or nationality of the works, till the executive sanc- 
tion to bills for this object, exceeded the sum of one million 
of dollars. With all due deference to the opinions of our 
fellow citizens who diS^er from us, as to the character and 
qualifications of Gen. Jackson, we ask, with all these facta 
before them, liave we ventured too far in saying, that his 
wayward, contradictory and ignorant notions, and follies, 
totally disqualify him for the oifice of President of the Unit- 
ed States? 

Yet we must pursue Gen. Jackson's duplicity and incon- 
sistency still further. In his first message to Congress we 
find bim with every show of sincerity, recommending an a- 
mendment to the constitution of the United States, so as t^ 
restrict the presidential service to one term, and in his let- 
ter of resignation to the Legislature of Tennessee, in refer- 
ence to this chang?, he says that it involved ^^ great inter- 
ests with the people of the United States, on which the se- 
curity of our republican system may depend." In the same 
letter too. Gen. Jackson declares, while he was in the very 
act of violating the sentiment, by surrendering his appoint' 



40 

ment, that it had ever been a rule with him, "neitlier to seek 
after^ or to decline office." And we recollect also, upon the 
strength of these assurances, it was every where admitted 
by Gen. Jackson's friends, previously to his election, and 
seldom, if ever,contradicted by his opponents, that his exec- 
utive service would be restricted to one term. Upon the faith 
reposed in common honesty, and with a due regard for the 
declarations of men, it seemed to be concealed by all, that the 
president was not again to be a candidate for public office. 
But at the very time when this disinterested patriot was flat- 
tering the credulity of a sovereign State, by professions of 
independence and political virtue, he and his major domo, 
Gen. Eaton, as has been proved by the publication of their 
own letters to their very particular friend, Mr. Stephen 
Simpson, were engaged in schemes of petty electioneering, 
that would mortify the pride, and disgrace the character of 
a county Sheriff. And however incredible it may seem, 
scarcely was Gen. Jackson seated in the presidency, Mlien 
we find him in the midst of political intrigue and stratagem, 
Avith the view of helping Mr. Van Buren to the presidency, 
or of securing his own re-election. From the mansion of 
the disinterested patriot, who never ^' sought after office," a 
private letter was written by his Secretary, franiied by the 
President's own hand, and dispatched on a political pilgrim- 
age to Mr. Kreps, a member of the Pennsylvania legislature, 
ursins: him to induce that body to nominate Gen. Jackson 
for re-election. An application from a member of the Pre- 
sident's family, under the sanction of his own franking pri- 
vilege, asking such a boon of a whole state, may be proper 
and natural to him who never "seeks after office," biU sure- 
ly itcan never be worthy of the high office wliichhe fills. But 
even this political ruse de guerre, did not place Gen. Jack- 
son sufficiently before the public for re-election, and conse- 
quently in 1831 we find the editor of the United States' Tel- 
egraph, pompously announcing to the country, by the per^ 



41 

missiou of the President, "tliat if it slrould be the will of the 
nation^ to eall on him to serve a second term as the Chief 
Magistrate, he will not decline the summons." Such an 
annunciation was new and unprecedented in the history of 
the government; but such was Gen. Jackson's theory, and 
such is his practice. 

But of all the opinions now entertained by Gen. Jackson^ 
there are none that promise greater injury to the true inter- 
ests of the country, than his inveterate hostility to the Bank 
of the United States. There is not an individual in the 
whole community, who either buys or sells, no matter to 
how small an amount, but has a deep and permanent inter- 
est in the continued existence, and success of this institution. 
Every one remembers the deplorable inconvenience and dis- 
tress, to which the country was subjected by the suspension 
of specie payments, and the consequent refusal of the banks 
to discount, or to throw their funds into public circulation, 
produced a scarcity of mtney that was severely felt by the 
commercial and working classes, of moderate means, and 
particularly by the poor, in every part of the United States. 
The absence of metallic currency produced a depreciation of 
bank notes, and a correspondent embarrassment, in our fis- 
cal, commercial, and business operations, unknown to the 
country since the memorable revolution in our continental 
money. We possessed no means of equalizing our domes- 
tic exchange, or even the taxes and duties necessary for the 
operations of the government. In Boston, for example, 
where the Banks paid specie, paper currency was twenty 
per cent, more valuable, than in Baltimore where they did 
not, so that in the payment of duties, and taxes, in the nom- 
inal medium of the latter city, one-fifth might be said to be 
saved by the payer. The diii'erence of exchange between 
Philadelphia and Boston Avas 17 per cent. — with New York 
9 1 per cent. — with Baltimore 4| per cent. — with Washing- 
ton 7 per cent. — with Charleston 6| per cent.; and in 1817, 



^2 

before the Bank of the United States went into operation, 
bills of exchange on Europe were 10 per cent, above par in 
Philadelphia, and 20 per cent, in Baltimore. Nothing could 
exceed the distracted state of our currency as it rested on 
the monied histitutions of the states, which were obliged to 
resort to heavy and immediate curtailments as a means of 
self-defence. The whole nation felt the evil in common with 
individuals. During the last war, when the country was 
invaded by the most powerful nation in Europe, the diflB- 
culty of obtaining loans for the maintenance of the strife, was 
unexampled in the history of well-established governments. 
In 1814 a tender of loans, exceeding five millions of dollars, 
was made by capitalists of New York and Baltimore, to Mr. 
Secretary Campbell, "receiving one hundred. nett per cent, 
stock for eighty dollars paid in.'' The only persons bene- 
fitted by a wretched depreciated currency, are money chang- 
ers, money-lenders and stock-jobbers.* 

Every part of the country and particularly tlie southern, 
middle, and western states, suffered under the oppressive 
evils arising from an inconvertible paper currency. The 
commercial exchanges between different states, and even dif- 
ferent neighbourhoods, were embarrassed by the evils of an 
unsound and fluctuating representative of money, and even 
the government of the United States, in the midst of its no- 
minal revenue, was severely harrassed by the great difficul- 
ty of converting its funds, received in one section of the 
country, into available means in another. The public 
lost all confidence in the adulterated currency of the 
state banks, the only monied institutions in the country, 
commerce languished, and universal distrust and embar- 
rassment prevailed. 

To remedy all these evils, and a thousand others too nu- 



• Tho poor are al ways moat oppressed by a depreciated nomlnHl currency — for example, the laborer 
reeeivea the amount of hig weekly wavren in a representative of money, aubject to diicount— he luitalna 
lb« Ions, and not the wealthy who pay it. 



43 

merous for this appeal, Mr. Madison in his message of De- 
cember, 1815, recommended to Congress the propriety of es- 
tablishing a national bank, and Mr. Secretary Dallas ©f the 
treasury department, one of our ablest financiers, proposed 
at the same time, tlie incorporation of the present institution. 
Congress, in a manner highly honorable to the wisdom, and 
patriotism, of that body, promptly granted the charter, and 
the first step of the bank in going into operation, was the im- 
portation of seven millions of specie, and by an immediate 
and extensive issue of its notes, which, upon the faith of the 
government, were every where equal in value to the solid 
coin, the bank by great exertions succeeded in restoring spe- 
cie payments, in establishing a fair and uniform system of 
exchange between every section of the union, in furnishing 
throughout the whole country a sound circulating medium, 
and in less than eighteen montJis after its establishment, fo- 
reign bills were down to one and a half per cent, in all our 
commercial aities. The institution immediately acquired a 
high character abroad, and by its foreign credit, it was ena- 
bled in a great measure to sustain the state banks, by taking 
a large share in the foreign exchanges of the country, with- 
out exporting its own specie. Our trade to China and In- 
dia where we could send no product in exchange, frequent- 
ly required several millions of dollars in specie annually, 
and it was in a great degree owing to this cause, that the 
state banks in order to preserve their metallic treasure,were 
often compelled to enforce sudden and extensive curtail- 
ments of their issues, which never failed to produce great 
embarrassment to our commercial and business transactions. 
The Bank of the United States from its high credit abroad, 
frequently substituted its own bills on Europe, for these ru- 
inous shipments of coin, and in the China and India mar- 
kets, these bills were often more valuable than the specie 
itself. Our trade to India has declined of late years, but 
within the last twelve month«, the Bank of the United States 



44 

has tarnislicd Mils to the amount of a million of dollars, for 
the China, India, and South American trades.* 

The eftects of the Bank of tlie United States have been, 
to throw into active circulation a sound and responsible cur- 
rency, amounting to twenty odd millions of dollars. It 
transports funds to any part of the United States in most in- 
stances free of all expense, and at all times, not exceeding 
one half per cent. It affords the surest means of collecting 
the public funds, and is the only safe depository of the rev- 
enue of the government. It furnishes throughout the Unit- 
ed States a liealthfcrlciTculating medium, every where equal, 
if not superior to specie, and by receiving freely the notes of 
the solvent state banks, and requiring frequent settlements 
from them, it holds a beneficial check over all those monied 
institutions, and by preventing them from making improvi- 
dent issues of paper currency, it purifies every where the 
circulating medium, and by making it a safe representative 
of the precious metals, public confidence is restored, to the 
great benefit of our commercial and business operations, and 
to the successful advancement of the industry, enterprise, 
and general prosperity of the country. 

But in the face of all tlie public evidence of benefit, deriv- 
ed from this invaluablc.institution, Gen. Jackson pretends to 
have discovered, that the bank has failed to accomplish the 
objects for which it was established, and that the institution 
itself is unconstitutionafl. To enter into the full reasoning 
as to the constitutionality of the question, would far exceed 
the limits of this appeal. In 1790 and 91, the Bank ques- 
tion was most ably and thoroughly discussed in Congress, 
and a decision given in favor l)oth of its utility and constitu- 
tionality, by tlie purest and wisest statesmen of that day. 
Gen. Washington after the most mature and deliheratc inves- 
tigation, with a full consultation with Jefferson, Madison, 



■' See the late Reiwri of ilic Bank. 



45 

and Hamilton, and other worthies of ancient and distin- 
guished renown, after viewing the subject in all its relations 
and bearings, and with a full knowledge of all the arguments, 
advanced in favor of, and against the propriety of the mea- 
sure, gave his unequivocal sanction, to the expediency and 
constitutionality, of establishing a national bank. Subse- 
quent laws were enacted in favor of the same principle, ap- 
proved of by Mr. Jefferson, and sanctioned by the decisions, 
both of the Supreme and the State Courts. In 1817, the 
Bank of the United States received the approbation, of Ma- 
dison, Lowndes, Clay, Calhoun and the entire democracy 
of that day, and after forty years of public sanction, and 
successful operation, is it not a late hour for Gen. Jackson, 
who is not himself a veryprofound constitutional lawyer,* to 
be incommoded by doubts and scruples, on this great national 
question, whjch lias been so often decided, by the wisest lawgi- 
vers of the country, and by some of the framers of the constitu- 
tion itself. In the debate upon the constitutionality of the bank 
to which Ave have made reference, great stress was laid by 
Congress, on the last clause of the 8th section of the 1st ar- 
ticle of the constitution, empowering Congress ^^tomake all 
laws, which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into 
execution all the express powers, and all other powers vest- 
ed by this constitution in the government of the United States, 
or in any department or office thereof.'' The wisest and 
most cautious statesmen of the nation, were of opinion, that 
this clause gave to Congress every incidental power "neces- 
sary and proper" for executing the powers more strictly ex- 
pressed in the constitution. The implication was not con- 
sidered as clothing Congress with new powers, but merely 
as a declaration, that it possessed the means of executins: 
those expressly included in the old grant. The decision was 
one of deep and vital interest to the country, for unless it be 

* Bee Gen. Jackson's letter to Mr . Monroe, in which he says he would have hung all the members of 
jthe Connecticut Convention, under the 2d section of the Rules and Articles of war. 



46 

understood^ that Congress does possess certain implied pow- 
ers under the constitution, the government in establishing a 
military school, in appropriating the public funds forobjects 
of internal improvement, in laying an embargo, in imposing 
duties and prohibitions for the protection of American in- 
dustry, in the acquisition of Louisiana, in the purchase of a 
National library, or paintings for the capital, or even in the 
employment of a chaplain, has usurped the most unlawful 
powers, and every administration, from the adoption of the 
government to the present day, has grossly violated the con- 
stitution ; for in the whole instrument, there is no direct ex- 
pression of any such power being given to Congress. Un- 
less indeed Congress does possess certain implied or inci- 
dental powers under the constitution, it would reduce our 
whole scheme of government to a deadletter, and the people 
would be divested of more than half the blessings derived 
from a pure and enlightened constitution. If \Vc judge from 
past events, Gen. Jackson is the friend of all the other im- 
plied powers of the constitution, and yet his political con- 
science, is sorely troubled about the bank. In a national 
point of view, the bank had clearly developed its public be- 
nefits, and from the administration of Washington, to the 
election of Gen. J^ickson, the purest patriots of the country, 
had given evidence in favor of its constitutionality ; but all 
this was not enough to allay the deep rooted hostility of Gen. 
Jackson. At the instance of the Secretary of State* the 
bank was severely attacked in three repeated communica- 
tions to Congress, while the official paper of the government 
at Washington, a press established under the auspices, and 
subject to the immediate controul of the President, was em- 
ployed in a perpetual political cannonade against the propri- 
ety of re-chartering the bank. In order to destroy the well 
earned popularity of this institution, the grossest misstate- 



* The Secretary had set Xew York all in f ommotion with his ridiculous echemes about banks, dur- 
ing hii quarter'! service as governor, &c. 



47 

ments and falsehoods have been promulgated by the admin- 
istration presses, in every part of the United States. Among 
the political artifices of the day, to excite the popular indig- 
nation against the bank, it is publicly declared to be an aris- 
tocratic institution, while other electioneering tricks, equal- 
ly low and dishonest, are resorted to, in order to justify the 
President in his crusade, against the best interests of the 
country. The Bank of the United States, was created by 
Congress, is responsible to that body, and is dependent on 
the government for the renewal of its charter, we therefore 
can scarcely understand what is meant by the charge of its 
being an aristocratic bank, unless it is intended to coUA'^ey 
the idea that its stock is held principally by the affluent. 
But in order to show how little reliance ought to be placed 
on the political statements of the administration presses, we 
have informed ourselves fully on this point. The following 
is the true statement^ of the domestic and foreign interests in 
the Bank of the United States, and the division of its stock. 
DOMESTIC. FOREIGN. 



lers of 1 share, 


,128, 


owning 128 


Holders of 1 share, 5, 


owning 5 


2 


159, 


318 


2 


0, 





3 


111, 


333 


3 


h 


8 


4 


121, 


484 


4 


2, 


8 


5 


235, 


1,175 


5 


6, 


SO 


een 5 & lo, 


656, 


5,b85 


between 5 & 10, 


25, 


209 


10 & 20, 


688, 


10,978 


10 & 20, 


37, 


614 


20 & 30, 


336, 


8,838 


20 & 3C, 


32, 


854 


SO k 40, 


207, 


7,494 


SO & 40, 


34, 


1,291 


40 & 50, 


224, 


10,583 


40 & 50, 


51, 


2,415 


50 & 100, 


435, 


32,6S9 


50 & ]0O, 


104, 


7,403 


100 & 200, 


194, 


29,075 


100 & 200, 


72, 


10,730 


above 200, 


1S5, 


93,061 


above SOO, 


97, 


55,597 



3679, 200,841 466, ' 79,169 

Of these are — Domestic — Females, 832, holding 22,896 shares. 
Foreign— " 69, " 6,117 " 



901 29,013 

Domestic trusts, executors for orphans, &c. 315, holding 17,081 shares 
Foreign " " " " 14, " 3,365 " 

329, 20,446 

Domestic Societies, Corporations, &c. 126, holding 14,309 shares. 
Foreign " " none. none. 



48 

From this it appears that out of 3,679 domestic stock- 
holders, 598 are holders of shares of from 100 to 300 dol- 
lars ; 766 are holders of shares of and under 500 dollars — 
that 1447 are holders of sums of and under 1000 dollars — 
and that 2865 are holders of sums of and under 5000 dollars, 
amounting among these small stockholders to the sum of 
S4, 60 1,600, being nearly one-fourth of the whole domestic 
stock of the hank. 

It further appears that 54,286 shares, being upwards of 
one-fourth of the whole domestic stock of the bank, are own- 
ed by females, trustees, executors, orphans, and by religious, 
benevolent, and other associations. 

The bank has stockholders in every state in the union, 
and its capital is divided among twenty-five branches, in dif- 
ferent parts of the United States, so that its benefits, may 
be every where impartially dispensed. 

But in lieu of this great national institution, Gen. Jack- 
son would establish on its ruins, a government bank at Wash- 
ington, without branches, in which the whole revenue of the 
country is to be deposited, under the immediate controul of 
the President, and subject we presume to his exclusive au- 
thority in the appointment of its officers. A more visionary 
and dangerous sclieme has never yet been proposed, for the 
consideration of Congress, but to the honor of that enlight- 
ened body it has thus far refused even to consider it. 

In relation to tlie unfortunate Cherokees, the President in 
his decision, has violated all the compacts and treaties, 
which the government of the United States has heretofore 
made with the Indian tribes, and which we as a just peo- 
ple, were bound to respect. In every part of the United 
States we have hunted down this wretched remnant of un- 
civilized luimanity, taken possession of the territory which 
God and nature sctnied to have consigned to tlieir use, and 
now when they are almost banished from the face of the 
earth, we refuse to adhere to the most solemn compacts niade 



49 

ill the spirit of national forbearance, to guard them from 
ruin, and inevitable extinction. It is not for us to moralize 
on the offended justice of Providence ; but it is surely a sin- 
gular spectacle, to see a whole people in tears about the 
Greeks, sending their money abroad in aid of the Poles, and 
even to France, in relief of the familips of those, who fell in 
the glorious cause, of exchanging a legitimate monarch, for 
a citizen king, while their own government at home, is wag- 
ing a system of persecution and oppression, against a poor 
miserable race of beings, dependent upon our mercy, ne- 
glected by nature, without friends or advocates, and while 
we are turning them into the wilderness, in violation of law, 
justice, and humanity, to perish in savage warfare, with their 
brethren of the desert. 

The next objection to the administration of Gen. Jackson 
which we shall urge, is the unprecedented and sudden disso- 
lution of his cabinet. At the outset of his administration, 
all will remember, the great public benefits that were ex- 
pectefdto result, from the judicious selection of men, whom 
the President in his wisdom, haf* aasuolfvicvl wltk him in the 
administration of the g,u v ernment. Official harmony among 
the heads of department was every where promised. To use 
a bright idea of Gen. Jackson himself, his cabinet came in- 
to office as a ^^unit," and among the partizans of the day, 
every eulogy which heated zeal could invent was bestowed 
upon its wisdom, patriotism and purity. Political hosan- 
nas were every where chauntedby the government presses, 
in praise of the People's President, and in honor of the vir- 
tue and unanimity of his public ministers. But scarcely w^s 
this immaculate cabinet inducted into office, when discord 
and dissention prevailed in its councils. The President 
though at the zenith of human honor, was not content with 
his high office. He must needs imitate the example of some 
of the British kings, and resort to political contrivances, with 
the hope of reigning hereafter in the person of a successor. 



50 

Mr. VanBuren, the President's prime minister, had con- 
ciliated his warmest regard, and that high functionary, who 
** never sought after oflBce'^ himself, was soon detected in the 
deepest plans for securing the Executive chair to his favor- 
ite minister.* In his imprudent zeal to accomplish this ob- 
ject. Gen. Jackson seemed to have forgotten, that it was pro- 
moting, in the cant phrase of his party, the very ^' Secreta- 
ry Dynasty'' which he and they had so recently, and so fu- 
riously denounced. But the court favorite was desirous of 
political advancement,and to effect his objects, the President 
of the United States descended from his high official digni- 
ty, to dabble in a paltry scheme of cabinet electioneering, in 
favor of Mr. Martin Van Buren. To the honor of the coun- 
try, however, there was still some public virtue left in the 
cabinet, a portion of its members could not brook this inter- 
ference on the part of the Chief Magistrate, and on boldly 
refusing to permit his dictatorship, an open quarrel was the 
consequence between the President and his ministers. But 
this was not all, Gen. Jackson conceiving, that the high es- 
teem in wLichtho Vicc-Prpsiident was held, by a portion of 
his cabinet, and probably a dispositiuu on their part to ad- 
vance him to the Presidency, had alienated their good opin- 
ions from his intended successor, he commenced an angry 
attack on Mr. Calhoun, raking up some antiquated tittle-tat- 
tle, connected Avith Mr. Monroe's administration, as an apo- 
logy for this disgraceful rupture. Yet this was not the worst, 
matters of a private character, connected with the family of 
one of the cabinet ministers, and touching the private opin- 
ions, and social intercourse, prevailing among the families 
of the entire cabinet, were next attempted to be controlled 
and regulated, by the President of the United States. It 
was indeed an office worthy of the high agent. ]iut this pet- 
ty interference on the part of the President, failing likewise, 

* Gtn. Jackion'i flr»t object wa« to secure the Presidency to Mr. Van Buren, failing in this, he detw- 
mined (okeep it himEcir. 



51 

the variance between him and his ministers became too bit- 
ter for endurance, and the entire dissolution of the cabinet, 
resulted as a natural consequence. The whole nation was 
astonished, but the President was consoled. — Asa *^^unit'' 
his cabinet was born, and as a ''• unit" it died. 

The public is in possession of the plainest evidence of the 
truth of this statement, and yet we have the President's as- 
surance, that his ministers had all done their duty, that he 
had every tiling to compliment, and nothing to complain of" 
in such men, — and even at the moment when he was com- 
manding them to leave him, he pretended to lament their de- 
parture. The cabinet ministers, we were told, were the 
best and the wisest. — They had served the country most 
faithfully and eminently, and yet while we were gravely in- 
formed, that neither discord or dissention, had prevailed 
among them, one of its own members, was actually publish- 
ing to the world a contrary statement, and publicly declar- 
ing that in the exercise of his oiScial duties, a party of the 
President's friends, some of them connected with the gov- 
ernment itself, had made an attempt to assassinate him.* 
But the President by his own admission, stands convicted 
of the grossest absurdity. — He tells us, the whole of his ca- 
binet ministers, had executed their ofllcial duties to his en- 
tire satisfaction ; but his Secretary of State chose to retire, 
and for this reason, it was necessary to dismiss all his min- 
isters. The country could not furnish abler or better men. 
But Mr. Van Buren, the Aurora Borealis of the cabinet, did 
not choose to remain, and for this reason, and the still more 
idle one, of having a cabinet " as a unit," the President 
deemed it expedient, to dismiss all the heads of department, 
re- organize an entire new cabinet, recall a foreign minister, 
appoint another in his place, and convulse the whole nation. 
The plain truth is, stripped of all its official mystery, Geu, 



• B«« the Pretident'i letter to hit disiniMi*4 Secretary, and Mr. Ingha'n'i irtateim^nt, 
5 



53 

Jackson and Mr. Van Buren entered into a deep and artful 
scheme, by Avhich the latter gentleman, was to be made Pre- 
sident of the United States. Mr. Van Buren to ingratiate 
himself with the President, consented to acquiesce with him 
in all his prejudices and partialities iu relation to an impor- 
tant question at Court, connected with the family of his per- 
sonal friend in the cabinet. A dark and cunning contrivance 
was arranged by tlie Hero, and the '^'Magician,'' by which 
the dealer in the black art, was to be elevated to the Presi- 
dency. But there were members in the cabinet who would 
neither concur in this scheme of political intrigue, or con- 
strain their families at the command of thePresident,to visit 
where their inclination or sense of propriety did not prompt.* 
And thus the President and his Secretary being" foiled in 
their plans, the latter with an understanding from the Presi- 
deut,that he was to receive a foreign embassy,t threw up his 
commission, which by a further political bargain, was to be 
made an apology for the immediate dismissal of all the re- 
bellious members of the cabinet, who would not voluntarily 
withdraw. Such a system of petty manoeuvering, political 
shuffling, and degrading artifices, were perhaps never prac- 
ticed before, by the government of any refined and enlighten- 
ed people. But what errors and vices will not military 
fame, and a blind popularity forgive and excuse. — All these 
things were done by Gen. Jackson, and passion and official 
interest combined, have given him apologists in every part 
of the United States. Unfortunately for the country, the 
facts we have detailed have become a part of our national 
history. — They are too broad for concealment ; but it is yet 
hoped, they may be remembered as a lesson, and avoided 
forever as an evil example. 

The next and last objection we shall mnke to Gen. Jack- 
son is this : — Notwithstanding the developements at Wash- 

• Sec Mr. Ingham's letter. 

t In nrldiliiin to cthrr tosUmony nnw public on thin eiibject, jpe Mr. Vati Biirrn's le.ter to Mr. RIfclile 
of ihe Richmond Enquirer, in which tin.' Spcrctnry tells his frunil, the piil'lif^her of the East Room 
/Uaei)ood, " that he was tired of the sinng aboui intrigue nrU management, and to et lid oi it — Uer« 
«M ne tt^rttaythan hy going for the usual ptried of four ytart out of ti* country. 



53 

ington, and the national dishonor; which n^any of his beat 
friends admit they have brought ^upon the country, he still 
continues the sworn friend and political partizan of Mr. 
Van Buren. — Evidence has been brought to light sufficient 
to convince the oldest supporters of the President, that the 
late Secretary of State was principally instrumental, in ad- 
vising the great system of political injustice, Vi^e have at- 
tempted to expose, and which we sincerely believe, every 
national American heart most sincerely deplores — yet still 
Gen. Jjickson and Mr. Yan Buren, are inseparable friends. 
And then the disgraceful instructions, given to Mr. McLane, 
our ministerto England, so new inthehistoryofourown coun- 
try, so unprecedented in the annals of any other. Even the 
friends of Mr. Van Buren in the Senate, under all the ex- 
citement of debate, have not ventured a single word, in jus- 
tification of these instructions, and therefore we hope to b« 
thought sincere, in condemning them as being incompatible 
with the genius of our government, as unworthy the high 
character of our people, and injurious to the reputation of the 
whole country. And yet for all. Gen. Jackson is still devot- 
ed to Mr. Van Buren, and by taking on himself the respon- 
sibility of his offence, he would excuse this artful politician, 
not only at the hazard of his own character, but of the hon- 
or and independence of the Republic. 

Our minister to England whose duty it was, respectfully 
yet boldly and inflexibly, to represent the national lionor 
and republican character of our people, was instructed to in- 
, form the British King, that our claims upon the justice of his 
government, which we had zealously contended for, from the 
origin of our own, were, mere empty ^^pretensions" — ^that 
our government was "assailable upon three grounds'^ — that 
we had "too long and too tenaciously resisted the right of 
Great Britain to lay duties" — that in order to prevent " un- 
favorable impressions" being made upon the British King, 
our minister was instructed to "possesshimself of all the ex 



54 

planatory and mitigating circumstances/^ whicTii were to be 
laid before his majesty in extenuation of oBr offence, and it 
was urgently hoped that '^ the past pretensions of our govern- 
ment would have no adverse influence upon the feelings and 
conduct of Great Britain.*' A shrewd politician, lilie a wise 
lawyer, shouldnever make an admission. But the late Se- 
cretary was not content with assuring the British King that 
England was right, and America was wrong, that her claims 
were just and proper, and that^ours were "pretensions," on- 
y — that the late administration of the country was not a po- 
pular one, and that political parties had distracted our na- 
tional councils ; but it seems it was fondly expected, that 
these humiliating admissions, were to operate as "mitigating 
circumstances" and by extenuating our offence,it was hoped 
they miglit appease the wrath of an offended monarch, and in- 
cline hind to forgive us. Yet the advocates of the President 
in tlie Senate, saw nothing in all tliis, to object to Mr. Van 
Buren's nomination as minister to England. 

It is true, one of the Senators* from Maryland, (a warm 
and intrepid advocate of the administration, yet represent- 
ing an appointing power, with nearly four to one, heart and 
eoul opposed fo it) did admit in his speech that the excep- 
tionable items Me have quoted, "might as well have been 
left out," or in other words, it was a matter of no material 
consequence, it was just as well they sliould be there. Now, 
in the name of common honesty we asl{, if Mr. Van Barents 
friends see nothing reprehensible in these instructions, why 
were they not boldly justified : and if they could not be sus- 
tained upon correct principle, we again ask, why was the no- 
mination supported? The dilemma is a very difficult one, 
but the advocates of Mr. Van Buren, have sought to evade 

• Gen. gmith, a df-mocrat of the old Rchnol.— What would the democinc y of 18Ii2, '13, nnd '14, have 
mid, if one of tholr reprrncntntivcs in Consrciii", liad rpfuopd to support Mr. Madison's administration, 
yet tlill re'ained his fn;nt— or what would tlioy have naid, had Mr. Monroe, the gocretary of State, giv- 
•n (o our minister to England, such instructions as those of Mr. Van Burcnto Mr. McLane, and wliich 
•ur H«nator thinks " might as well have been Jeft out?" 



55 

it, by attempting to throw the odium, which thdrowu silence 
admitted, on the Atlas shoulders of the President. And do 
they indeed, think the less of Gen. Jackson for committing an 
act, which their consciences could not excuse in Mr. Van Bu- 
ren? By no means,he is still as worthy as ever, equally good 
and great, harm cannot reach him ; like the Grecian hero, he 
is invulnerable from the crown of his head to the sole of his 
foot. 

The instructions given to Mr. M^Lane could not be ex- 
cused by Mr. Van Buren's own friends in the Senate, but 
the distinguished Secretary had been appointed by the Pre- 
sident wlio was willing to assume the responsibility — he had 
been most graciously admitted to the table of the British 
monarch, and therefore he was worthy to represent the high 
character of the American people, near the very court at 
whose feet, through the cringing subserviency of Mr. Van 
Buren, the American people had fawned and supplicated. It 
is true the Secretary had affixed his ov/n name to these dis- 
graceful instructions ; }'et still it Avas gravely contended by 
his friends in tlie Senate, that they had emanated exclusively 
from the President, and therefore, the Secretary was in no. 
respect responsible for tliem. We will not say that such rea- 
soning as this, is unworthy tiie dignity of the American Sen- 
ate, but if it should ever prevail as an established principde of 
the government, let the President command,and there is noth- 
ing which the Secretary may not do, without the fear of odium 
or responsibility. In committing an act which brought dis- 
honor upon the nation, it was no apology for the Secretary 
of State, that the President required it. Mr. Van Buren 
was no vassal of the crown, and therefore under no ob- 
ligation to obey any requisition which threw a stain 
upon the high character of the country. Upon an occa- 
sion like this, a high-minded and patriotic Secretary would 
have suffered political martyrdom, rather than have been 
the means of degrading the pure and independent character 



89 

of the republic. He would have said to the President, " if 
yoar excellency desires to transmit such instructions as 
these, you must seek some other agency than mine. I had 
rather relinquish my high office, than surrender to a foreign 
potentate the unsullied honor of my country." A position 
like this, would have given Mr. Van Buren a just claim to the 
affection and confidence of the whole nation; but there were 
selfish objects to attain, and the Secretary was found to be the 
ready and willing means of prostratin*^ " the American Eagle 
at the foot of tlic British Lion,-' and so was Mr. M'Lane, the 
minister, for he stands in the same relative attitude, and 
however ingenuity may attempt to evade or divide the re- 
sponsibility, even under its own construction, it is after all a 
family concern, in which the whole and each, are equally 
and alike involved, and amenable, to the American people. 

If it were true indeed, that the Secretary at the command 
pf the President, was justified in transmitting instructions to 
our minister, which tended to compromit the honor and dig- 
nity of the country, it would only serve to show, that Gen. 
Jackson has an influence in the government incompatible 
with our republican principles, and it would add another 
reason to the thousand already advanced against the propri- 
ety of his re-election. Mr. Van Buren's friends may attempt 
to sKuIflc the odium from him, wiih the hope of placing it on 
the shoulders of the President,whcre they believe it can do 
no harm — tlie great magician too, may summon his host of 
spirits from the vasty deep, but it all Mill not do, the cxcep- 
ijonable character of these instructions is now a matter of re- 
.eo.rd, the confirming power of the government has set the in- 
delible seal of national disapprobation upon it, and the pub- 
lic sci'^ma will follow Mr. Van Buren through life, insepa- 
rable and indivisible. 

But divest this matter of all the political machinery which 
obscures the light, and the plain truth is this. The publi- 
XAtion of the initructions to Mr, M^Lane, produced such a 



57 

general burst of indignation, as convinced Mr. Van Buren'i 
friends, that his popularity could not be sustained under the 
oppres5sive burthen. It was therefore essentially necessary 
to give a different direction to tlie public disapprobation. — 
Fortunately for the cause, Gen. Jackson was strong enough, 
and willing to bear the responsibility, which he well knew 
was too great for the reputation of his Secretary. The 
friends of Mr. Van Buren seized with avidity the only al- 
ternative to save his expiring popularity. The Secretary 
was declared to be innocent, and the President solely ac- 
countable, for the instructions to Mr. M'Lane. All this was 
in strict conformity with the bold attempt now in operation, 
to make Mr. Van Buren Vice President,tliat he may take his 
chance of the deatli, resignation, or ignorance of Gen. Jack- 
son, to be virtually tlie President. Mr. Van Buren is now 
held up to the nation as the persecuted victim of the Senate, 
and efforts are every where making by his party, to enlist the 
sympathy of the whole country, and particularly of Pennsyl- 
vania, in his cause, by exciting ancient prejudices and predi- 
lections, and by such doleful lamentations and incitements, as 
Mark Antony declaimed over the body of Caesar. Wiles and 
stratagems and every species of political manoeuvering,are re- 
sorted to, to gratify the ambition of Mr. Van Buren.* The in- 



*This is the age of error in the politics of the United States. Never until 
<3en. Jackson became president, was the purity of the American Senate, 
and its patriotic devotion to the true interests of the country, ever doubted 
by any one professing American principles. By the constilution under 
which we e.xist as a nation, the Senate is a co-ordinate branch of the exec- 
utive power of the government. In public appointments its authority is 
co-equal and co-existent with that of the President,and the head of the na- 
tion cannot make appointments in conformity with the constitution, .<^ave 
and except, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. The 
members of the United States' Senate in connexion with the public ap- 
pointments, stand in the same mora! and political obligation to the Ame- 
rican people with the President himself, and they aie bound by the same 
solemn oath for the strict performance of their duties. Heretofore the 
high and patriotic claims of this body to the esteem and confidence of the 
American people were universally admitted, and whenever in the history 
of the government, from its origin to the present day, trfe Senate did not 



58 

terested partizans of the present incumbent well know, that 
of all men in the union, Mr. Van Buren is best calculated, 

concur with the President in matters of appointment, it was every where 
concedefl to be an honest and patriotic difference of opinion, and so far 
from its being the occasion of ill blood and rancorous vituperation among 
our people, in every instauf-e where this dilTerence of o[)iiiion iirevailed, it 
was promptly and i'enerously acquiesced in by the Presidents thetuselves. 
But now every thinitand every one must yield obedience to the ascendan- 
cy of Gen. Jackson. His infallibility cannot brook the constitutional ex- 
ercise of power in a co-ordinate department of the povernment. For the 
first time in the history of the country, public meetings have been called 
and the confirminjr i)0wer charged with political corruption for disagree- 
ing with the President upon the propriety of a nomination. A body of 
patriots of pure and exemplary public and private character, whose best 
efforts have been devoted to the public service, some of them politically 
friendly to the President himself, and all acting upon their oaths, have 
been coarsely censured and reviled by the partizans of Gen. Jackson, for 
interposing their constitutional dissent to the appointment of a minister. 
In the opinion of his party, Gen. Jackson is pre-eminent, and when brought 
in competition with other men, all must be indiscriminately sacrificed for 
him. The President's constitutional advisors are now required to lay 
their consciences at his feet, and yield a servile obedience to his will, or 
else incur the penaltv of public execration. According lo the monstrous 
claims of his party, it is disgraceful and corrupt in the constituted authori- 
ties, to refuse obedience to the command of Gen. Jackson, — he is the ab- 
solute head of the nation, and his authority and power are without check 
or balance. Can any thingr more than this be claimed for a monarch ? 
If the people submit to it, they have less liberty to boast of, than the sub- 
jects of foreign potentates. If they surrender one iota of their political 
rights, or yield the slighte-^t principle of the constitution, this proud na- 
tion may retain its republican name, but its soul will have fled. 

In New-York, the friends of Mr. Van Buren in the legislature of that 
state, stylina themselves its "Republican members," have lately held a 
meetin<T, an^d transmitted a letter replete with fulsome flattery and the 
most evtravaaant compliment to the President of the U. States. The Par- 
liament of Encland, or the Deputies of France in addressing their respec- 
tive monarchs^ would spurn such iiross adulation as is found in ''I's "re- 
publican" letter. It informs the President, that his •'Excellency," and Mr. 
Van Buren,"NewYork's favourite son,"are exclusively good and great,and 
that all those who happennot to think so favorably of thcirincomparable at- 
tributes, are described bv these "republican gentlemen," as being enemies 
to "Gen. Jackson's principles, to "Gen. Jackson^s government, and to Gen. 
Jackson's person." The members of the late cabinet,whowere butlatelyso 




these self-called democrats, the wisdom and merit of all men must begradua- 
ted by the scale of devo'Jon to"Gen. Jackson's person." The Presidentof the 
United States is informed that this meeting could "not restrain an expres- 
sion of indignation," on the subject of Mr. Van Buren's rejection. He is 



59 

to mature the system of injustice, proscription, and persecu- 
tion, which has marked the presence of the intriguer's hand, 

gravely told that this rejection was "unprecedented in the annals of the 
country;" that it '-has impaired the hitherto exalleH character of the Sen- 
ate," that it is "an insult offered to New-York," that "New-York is ca-' 
pable of avenging the indignity," " and the Senate of the United States,- 
(hitherto exalted, until it firesurned to differ from Gen. Jackson,) is de^ 
nounced by these "republican members of the NewY'ojk Leaislature" for 
refusing to concur in the nomination of Mr. Van Buren. And what is still 
mere remarkable, the President is further informed by this meeting, that 
his constitutional advisers belonged to a class of American citizens "wlio 
could jiffetify the surrender of free trade and sailors' rights; who could 
calculate the value of the union, and who could laugh at onr calamities 
in a period of war and general distress." A high-minded and enlightened 
executive would have regarded ihrse assurances as a reproach to his sta- 
tion — he would have informed the New-York meeting, that the proceed- 
ing in the senate was in conformity with the constitution and the rights of 
that body; that it was neither consistent with his duty or his dignity,to ques- 
tion the purity of its motive; and that it did not become him to sanction 
invectives against those with whom it was his duty to co-operate. 

But did not the '-members of the New-York Legislature" know they 
were telling the President what was not correct? Did they not know 
that the senate has always exercised its constitutional right to reject nom- 
inatior.s? Were they not aware, that in 1W09 Mr. Jefferson nominated 
Mr. Short as minister to St. Petersburg, and when the appointment which 
was made during the recess, was six months afterwards, as in the case 
of Mr. Van Buren, taken up for consideration by the senate, it was re- 
jected by that body, the state of New-York as represented in the senate, 
voting against it? The concurrent power of the President, and the co- 
operatingautliority of the senate, were better understood by Gen. Washing- 
ton — he went in person to the senate chamber and consulted freely with the 
confirming power, and took their advice and consent, by mingling counsels 
■with them. But now in striking contrast to this practice, and the invaria- 
ble usage of the government, for the first time since its origin, we find the 
senate'of the United Stales censured anil reviled for the exercise of its 
official duty, and what is still worse, we see this denunciation in the form 
of a public appeal to the President of the United States, and instead of 
rebuking the unjust imputation against his constitutional advisers, we find 
the head of the nation in a written answer concm-ring in sentiment. — 
When therefore the official paper of the nation, edited at the seatof gov- 
ernment, and established by the President and his immediate friends.gives 
publicity to the sentiment, that the "Senate should be cut down to two 
years, and stripped of the power of confirming and rejecting nomina- 
tions," and consequently the whole authority thrown into the hands of 
Gen. Jackson. — can any orie longer doubt its high responsibility ? The 
imprudence and injustice of Gen. Jackson, and the extravagant claims of 
his partisans, have alienated many of his former supporters. Let the 
friends of free government in every part of the Union, invoke the people 
to deliberate maturely, and impartially, upon the unprecedented powers 
now claimed for the first time for the President of the United States. Had 
Washington demanded as much, with all his patriotic devotion, his char- 
.ftcter would have ^een sacrificed. <^ 



60 

in the existing administration of the government.* The clas§ 
of politicians who have sacrificed the great interests of their 
country to personal and party considerations, are now de- 
termined for the consummation of their objects, to make Mr. 
Van Euren President of the United States. But it is im- 
possible the scheme can succeed ; common honesty will op- 
pose it; political justice will resist it; and the virtue, intelli- 
gence and patriotism of the peoples, will condemn it. 

And now fellow citizens, in place of a President §o noto- 
riously incompetent, and imprudent as Gen. Jackson, — a 
President who is admitted by many of his best friends, to 
be incapable even of writing his own messages to Congress 
—a President of whom your grave Senators in their seats^ 
have expressed the opinion, that he does not even read the in- 
structions given to your foreign ministers — a President whose 
whole political career,is distinguished by ignorance, inconsis- 
tency,imbecility,injusticeand folly; we would most earnestly 
invite your support of a man of a very different character — of 
one who has risen by his own exertions, Avho has made him- 
self what he is, a civilian and a scholar, a statesman, a patriot 
and a gentleman. We would ask your suffrage in favor of 
a man, who has devoted the prime, and vigor of his days, to 
the lei:;islative business of his country — one whose whole 
life is identified with the great national enactments, which 
have proclaimed to the people of the world, the wisdom, and 
glory of the American name — a man whose political sagaci- 
ty, has originated or sustained, every important proceeding, 
connected with your government for more than twenty years 
— a man whose talents every one admires — whose republi- 
can principles are displayed, in every feature of your polit- 
ical history — whose untiring devotion to the public service, 
none have ever seriously doubted, and whose toils and la- 
bors in support of the dearest interests of the American peo- 
ple, are unsurpassed if equalled, by those of any other man 



♦Solon being asked what form of government wa3 the rre*;st— that replied the illustrloui law-glvM, 
* which make* injustice to the poorest individual an niult to the whole nation." 



61 

now living. We would ask yout good opinion in favor of 
a man, who is frank, generous and honest in his private life 
— Avlio fearlessly expresses whatever he thinks or believes, 
and with whom it is a matter of conscience, invariably to 
practice, wliatevcr ho professes to be riglit. A man who is 
liljnored for his public services; who is devoted to the wise 
policy of government on which the future ptosperity of the 
country depends, and in whose wisdonj, prudence, industry 
and patriotism, the American people will alwaysfind a sure 
guaranty, for the protection of their rights and principles. 
Such a man, Fellow Citizens, is HENRY CLAY. If you 
desire to know more of liim than is consistent with the limits 
of this appeal, you must look to tlie history of your coun- 
try. You cannot put the volume into the hands of your chil- 
dren, without teaching them to esteem and admire Mr. Clay 
■ — the American patriot, the sagacious statesman, and the 
champion of liberty, wherever the human family is known to 
exist. Almost upon every page of the public records you 
will find the plainest evidence of his claims to t\i2 distin- 
guished regard of the American People. 

For the Vice Presidency, we would recommend to you, 
JOHN SERGEANT, of Pennsylvania, a gentleman who 
has been honorably distinguished in your national councils, 
who is well known as a conspicuous and learned member of 
the American Bar — and who in private and public life, is 
equally admired for the attiibutes of his mind, and the feel- 
ings of his heart. 

And fellow citizens, we earnestly invoke you, to put the 
seal of your awful condemnation upon the system of injus- 
tice which has marked the administration of the present in- 
cumbent — a system which throngs your capital with appli- 
cants for public favor; Avhich wages war against tlie exer- 
cise of independent opinion; which converts the great offices 
of the nation into partizan rewards and bounties. A sys- 
tem distinguished for a blind and furious zeal, imparting 
power and influence to corrupt and sinister designs, rally- 



62 

ing around it the worst passions of our nature, and giving 
force and activity to all the reckless resolves and prejudices 
of party devotion, injustice and persecution. Examinethe 
record of our government, and ascertain for yourselves if we 
have given a fair and honest history of tlie facts, and we con- 
jure you to repudiate the foul and unprincipled slande»s, 
which are every where circulated, l)y prostituted presses un- 
der the immediate control and patronage of the government, 
and which are paid either directly or indirectly, to abuse the 
members of your national Senate, to revile the character of 
your best and wisest patriots, and to denounce every one 
else in the whole nation, who does not support Gen. Jackson 
for the next Presidenc;; . 

JOSEPH KENT, Prince George's County. 
SOLOMON DICKINSON, Talbot County. 
JOHN TILGHMAN, queen Ann's County. 
JAMES THOMAS, St. Mary's County. 
JAMES SEWALL, Cecil County. 
JOHN N. STEELE, Dorchester County. 
JOSEPH L MERRICK, Washington Co. 
WM. PRICE, Washington County. 
HENRY WILLIS, Frederick County. 
JOHN B. MORRIS, Baltimore City, 
HENRY V. SOMERYILLE, Baltimore Co. 



Erkata. — In pnge 20 first line of the note, for "chief clerk of the Treasury department," read "r«- 
filter of the Treasury deparlnieiit." 
In the !U)ih line of the note, iii page 21, after '.' Baltimore Patriot," add ". Baltimore American." 



/^ 



M "10 



